Peirce's Logical Texts in J. Baldwin's Dictionary. Ten texts with references, posted by Fisette at his website. Introduction: William J. Bologna: Cappelli, Google says pages. Milano: Spirali, Roma-Bari: Laterza, Milano: Bompiani, September 13, Bonfantini et al. Milano: Bompiani, February 26, Combines three previous anthologies:. Bonfantini, L. Grassi, R. Torino: Einaudi , Bonfantini, R.
Grazia, G. Bompiani, Milano Jaca Book, October, Pisa: E. Peirce and W. Nino Aragno Editore Details. Social Sciences Academic Press mainland China , See Details. Peirce: Collection of Articles and Lectures. Klasikoak , UP to index entry. Editor: Armando Sercovich. Oviedo: KRK Ediciones , Translator: Sara Barrena. Madrid: Editorial Biblioteca Nueva , June Bound or ebook.
Marbot, September Editors: Houser and Kloesel. Paperback at Amazon. Editors: Houser, Kloesel, and P. Osuuskunta Vastapaino , Translator: Peirce. Peirce's original French version of the "How to Make Our Ideas Clear" does not contain the last one and a half paragraphs of his subsequent English version. See the Google post by Ryan Sands Nov. Comment se fixe la croyance via Google Books. Google search.
Translator: Joseph Chenu. Paris: Aubier now Flammarion , September 19, Bound but publisher does not sell it directly. Cerf , April Cerf , September Cerf , March Presses universitaires de Perpignan , Translator: Rossella Fabbrichesi Leo. Milan: Spirali, Translator: Susanna Marietti. Translator: Giovanni Maddalena. Translator: Maria Luisi.
Translators: Marco Annoni, Giovanni Maddalena. Introduction by Annoni. Nino Aragno Editore, July Translator: James Clement Leung. Edition Google-Englished. The book lists Xabier Eizagirrea as reviewer or revisor "berrikuslea". Links Inst. Mi alegato en favor del pragmatismo.
Lecciones sobre el pragmatismo. El pragmatismo de Peirce. El Pragmatismo. More detail may be provided on these in the future Charles S. Schriften zum Pragmatismus und Pragmatizismus. Semiotische Schriften. Manuscrito Volume I: Pragmatisme et pragmaticisme. Volume II: Pragmatisme et sciences normatives. Les textes logiques de C.
Peirce du Dictionnaire de J. Traductions de textes de Charles S. La logica degli eventi. Pragmatismo e oltre. Combines three previous anthologies: Semiotica. I fondamenti della semiotica cognitiva. Scritti di logica. Pragmatismo e grafi esistenziali. Scritti Scelti di Charles Sanders Peirce. Esperienza e Percezione: Percorsi nella Fenomenologia.
Alle origini del pragmatismo: Corrispondenza tra C. Peirce e W. Charles Sanders , " at the Library of Chiba University of Commerce includes a list of the five Japanese translations also listed at the Japanese Wikipedia. The Chiba page lists re-publications as well, and has links to pages on the individual works. The page also includes works in English. Artikulu eta hitzaldien bilduma. Excerpt from the book Charles Sanders Peirce, the first and unsurpassed "analyst of signs" of the present time, peers with the eyes of the phenomenologist at the cosmic framework and its permillenial clues, draws starting points of reflection, confirms their philosophical hypotheses, but above all for those who unexpectedly and as we no longer enchanted by '"infinite universe and worlds" he redraws the boundaries for rispecchiarvi a history of the sign and its figures phenomenal.
Il pensiero esatto—51 II. Il lettore viene introdotto ai relativi—59 III.
Proposizioni sintetiche a priori—68 IV. Exact Thinking—51 II. The reader is introduced to relatives—59 III. Principi scritti. Regole vol. Cristina Giappichelli PDF. Diritto penale italiano: Sistema e valori. Giurisprudenza e ottica europea. Con gadget Liscianigiochi PDF.
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An apparent paradox at rst sight, Spanish patronage to Italian nobles in the informal empire was a reality perceived by astute contemporary observers such as Tomaso Contarini, the Venetian ambassador to Spain in the early s. According to Contarini, the king especially obligated to himself the minor princes in Italy with fat stipends and honors because they were the most susceptible to bribes from other powers.
Sommario delle cose dette dallEcc. While there were certainly many similarities between the formal and informal Spanish states in Italy, a number of strong political realities forced the Spanish monarchs to treat the client states dierently. In short, the client states did enjoy formal sovereignty, and they subsequently had no Spanish governors, viceroys, judges, inquisitors, or soldiers directly shaping their internal aairs.
This was no small dierence, and Spanish royal favors were subsequently all the more important in exerting political inuence. Thus, loyal Italian nobles such as the dukes of Urbino were rewarded with membership in the Order of the Golden Fleece and hundreds of other Italian nobles were inducted into one of the Spanish military orders controlled by the monarchy. The habit of seeing Spain as a source of patronage and social advancement was especially pronounced in the Papal State.
Roman noble families and churchmen, who resided so close to the Kingdom of Naples, were anxious to seek lands, titles, and ecclesiastical beneces in Naples from the Spanish king. The popes were also well aware of the nancial benets of a close alliance with the Spanish kings, and they too increasingly depended upon Spanish revenues and military forces to shore up their own weak economy and state in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. The growing dependence of the papacy on Spanish nancial contributions, as illustrated in the case of the building of new St.
Peters described by Thomas Dandelet, is a prime example of this economic relationship. Philip II and his successors saw themselves as heirs to the imperial tradition of ancient Rome. The Spanish monarchs forged a special relationship with the papacy that exchanged Spanish military and nancial support of Rome for local privileges and power in Spain over ecclesiastical institutions.
With this political and economic arrangement came a large and eective colony of Spaniards of every social class to Rome. At the same time, the model of integration and conict holds true for the client states as much as for the formal Spanish territories in Italy. In the case of Genoa, likewise, extensive commercial and nancial relations with Spain certainly had a large impact on that republic.
As Arturo Pacinis essay here reveals, shipowners and the merchant class of Genoa had forged strong bonds with the Spanish monarchy in the sixteenth century, and they had amassed large fortunes nancing the Spanish kings. But that also made them the objects of internal criticisms and resentment, and it also left them and Genoa vulnerable to Spanish royal bankruptcies, a factor that played into the revolt of and their expulsion from the city.
Pacini highlights the problem of trying to remain an independent republic within the Spanish imperial orbit, a problem that bred a lively political discourse in Genoa over its traditional status as a city republic in the face of local oligarchic and Spanish imperial pressures. Thus, close ties to the Spanish Empire could bring with it ambivalent and threatening political consequences, a fact of early modern Italian life perhaps best understood by the Republic of Venice. The most independent of the Italian states, Venice nonetheless also had substantial commercial and military relations with the Spanish, and in the age of Philip II the two powers enjoyed a relationship characterized by general cooperation.
Yet, political tensions certainly existed. The perceived threat of Spanish expansionist tendencies was always present, and it boiled up on the borderlands between Spanish possessions in the north and the Veneto, as John Martins essay here details. And, of course, these tensions ared most dangerously during the Interdict crisis of the early seventeenth century that fed deep anti-Spanish sentiment in Venice. As supporters of the papacy in that crisis over ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the Spanish monarchy demonstrated that its inuence in the Italian states did not end with the realms of patronage and politics.
The long-term social and economic impact of the Spanish presence throughout Italy extended far beyond individual projects or cases of patronage. Indeed, it has long been a topic associated with the economic and demographic conjuncture of the recovery after the Italian Wars at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the so-called Indian summer of the Italian economy, and its stall, crisis, and relative decline from the early seventeenth century.
At the same time, it has been established since the time of Benedetto Croce that the period of the Spanish domination left a lasting mark on the Italian language. But just how the thousands of Spaniards living in Italy shaped the broader contours of Italian society is a topic that still. We still lack, for example, any comprehensive study of Spanish communities or settlements in Italy. Again, the detailed correspondence of Spanish ambassadors, agents, churchmen, pilgrims, merchants, and artists, among others, provides a solid archival base upon which to build such a study together with the thousands of wills left in Italian archives by the Spaniards who lived and often died there.
In Part Three Giovanni Muto provides a nuanced introduction to settlement patterns and society in the three formal Spanish states within the Council of Italy. A detailed comparison of social structure and stratication in Milan, Naples, and Sicily explores both the theoretical rationale and the practical strategies forwarded and employed by the local elites with regard to the problem of maintaining stability.
Claudia Donati examines the relationship between the profession of arms and nobility in Spanish Italy by focusing on those nobles who owed their status to service, especially military service, to a prince. Donati traces the transformations and changing character of nobility in Italy in the sixteenth century from the success and failure of Charles Vs imperial project through Philips consolidation of power under the Spanish Habsburgs as political elites legitimated themselves through the closure serrata of membership, and in the seventeenth century with increasing numbers of nobles seeking military service as Spanish power in Italy entered a period of crisis, defensiveness, and stagnation.
Here Donati has opened up a long neglected line of inquiry on the nobility of the sword that deviates from the more studied topics of the togati the lawyer class whose non-noble members would become the nobility of the robe and their role in administration, magistracies, and the law. Elizabeth Cohen turns to the importance of gender and the role of women in early modern Italy by exploring the category of woman in terms of the models of subordination and agency. She focuses on the social role of women in the four areas of religion, labor, marriage, and maternity, as well as topics such as the body, intellectual and cultural life, and politics.
Cohen argues that the examination of the particular contexts of social class, time, and space should break up the limiting concept of universal woman and enhance our understanding of change and causality in a more dynamic gendered history. Mireille Peytavin explains the administrative structure of Spanish rule in Sicily, Naples, and Milan, a topic which emphasizes the. She emphasizes three central points: the continuity and permanence of long-standing local administrative structures and practices, the attempt to introduce the Spanish institutions of an extra-territorial council the Council of Italy and the general state visit to Italy, and the absence of a resident monarch which increased the role of a small number of key ministers in each state.
Peytavin demonstrates how Spanish rule in Italy worked through exchange circuits, a consolidation of connections up the chain of command from local administrators, councils, and oces in the regional capitals, viceroys and governors, the Council of Italy, the councils in Spain, and eventually the king himself. The major indirect contribution to the economies of the Italian states was almost certainly the military protection provided by the Spanish alliance that eectively constituted a military subsidy. Antonio Calabrias study of the nances of Spanish Naples shows, however, that this protection did not come without a heavy price and evenheavier long-term burden weighing down the public debt.
Calabria demonstrates that more than three-quarters of Neapolitan state expenses went to military expensesone-half to direct military and fortress defense with about one-third to debt service primarily accrued from war nancing in , , and , but dramatically shifted thereafter to about one-third to one-fourth for military expenditures and one-half to the public debt in , , , , and Whatever the Venetian ambassador Suriano said about the scal squeeze in Naples in only paled in comparison to the extreme and disastrous scal policies imposed on the Italian South in the seventeenth century to sustain Spanish imperial enterprise elsewhere.
Examples from the client states such as Rome, however, reveal that these territories enjoyed a more concrete peace dividend from the pax hispanica after since their human and nancial resources could not be directly taxed by the Spanish monarchy. But peace in Italy did not mean peace in the Spanish empire, with war against the Dutch rebels in Flanders, against the Turks at Lepanto or Vienna, or later against France after the Spanish defeat at Casale Monferrat. Similarly, scal policy and the exigencies of war and peace not withstanding, Paolo Malanima paints a picture of general economic decline in central and northern Italy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which he attributes more to deep structural problems the Italian trendthan to any specic Spanish policies or inuence.
John Marinos essay on the rural world still nds the seventeenthcentury crisis determinative for economic decline in southern Italy and for proto-industrial restructuring in Lombardy. The impact of Spanish policies on the economic production in the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial sectors appear to be linked to the larger conjuncture of the Mediterranean and relative decline vis--vis Italys previous precocious development. In the context of the relationship between political and social-economic realities, Antonio Calabrias provocative comment at the conference raised the counter-factual question of imagining a hypothetical Turkish conquest of Italy.
He emphasized that it is not whether a Turkish Italy would have been better or worse governed, but rather that it would have precipitated a long and expensive intervention, drawn-out wars with high costs in men and material, and destructive struggles devastating cities and countryside as the Christian states attempted to dislodge the Turks from Italy. The crucial point is that religion was. Politics and patronage, as much as social structure and scal policy, then, extended into the realm of religious practices, belief, and institutions in Rome and beyond.
This central issue emerges in the essays in Part Four. In James Amelangs overview of the subject of culture and religion, it becomes clear that not only from well-known gures such as Juan de Valdes and Ignatius Loyola but also from innumerable contacts and conicts, Spanish religious gures loomed large in Italian Catholicism up and down the peninsula. Amelang identies the theme of religion, like many others in this volume, as ripe for more expansive attention and research by historians, and that the potential yield is rich. Firpo emphasizes the complex religious culture in Spain in the fty years before Trent with its strands of prophetic, reformist, and heretical activism and the resonances and resistance it found and reinforced in Italy.
Firpo concludes with a call for rethinking the Jesuit founding and success, which Flavio Rurale develops in the wider context of the role of male religious orders in sixteenth-century Italy. Rurale argues that the traditional emphasis on the role of male religious orders as papal servants does not take into account their success in princely courts nor their long-term importance in hard times in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Borromeo aims at explaining the ecclesiastical policy of the Spanish Hapsburgs in their Italian domains, and here too, as in the opening essays in Part One on the political character of these domains, the dominant model of conict with collaboration is the operative paradigm.
Sebastian Schtzes essay on the Immaculate Conception as a Spanish religious cause that had.
Amelang, Mourning Becomes Eclectic: Ritual Lament and the Problem of Continuity, Past and Present May : for an historical anthropological approach to popular religion across the Mediterranean. Although this essay is limited to the Neapolitan context, it points to a rich vein of material that certainly has parallels in churches from Sicily to Milan and many points in between. An even more overt sign of Spanish religious devotion and tastes in Italy could be found in Spanish churches dedicated to their patron saint, Santiago. From Palermo to Rome, and various other Italian cities as well, the Spaniards built national churches that served as centers for their expatriate communities in Italy.
These churches, and their aliated institutionsconfraternities, hospitals, and hospicesall deserve further study and reinforce the linkage among politics, society, and religion in the broader theme of the Spanish in Italy. The essays in the volume that follow provide a new and welcome level of clarity and depth to the theme of the Spanish in Italy, but they also open up new horizons and questions on themes new and old.
What were the long-term political repercussions of the conict between republican government and that of universal monarchy and the Spanish imperium? How can we better understand the dissonance between the ideal or theory of good government and eective bureaucracy and the realities of political practice?
What was the impact of Spanish royal patronage on Italian social relations both as a source of divisiveness and unity between and within social groups? What precise role did Spanish policy play in both the midsixteenth-century economic recovery and seventeenth-century decline? How did Spanish religious personalities and preoccupations aect Italian religious institutions, and what role did Spanish inuence have in the realms of learning and intellectual inquiry, religious and secular state censorship, and the denition of religious orthodoxy and.
Finally, how, more precisely, did the formal and informal territories of the Spanish Habsburgs in Italy stand together and apart as parts of the Spanish imperial system. Hopefully, these questions, among others, will inspire a new generation of historians to continue to ll in the remaining gaps in our knowledge and to integrate the theme of the Spanish in Italy into a broader synthesis of late Renaissance and early modern Italy over the long term. It is perhaps useful to state at the outset that integration and conict should not be conceived as radically opposed categories. It is true that an entire tradition of historical scholarship has worked in a proto-nationalistic vein, stressing the opposition between center and peripherythat is, focusing on instances of resistance that led to socalled peripherical revolutions1but during the last fteen years in particular, historiography has instead insisted on consensus and on elements of permeability and exchange.
To speak of integration, however, implies arming something more than consensus and dierent from it; it signies pinpointing the constants that dene Sicilys participation in the construction of the new Castilian monarchy of Charles V , Philip II , and their heirs. Moreover, it also and to the contrary involves noting what was specic to that participation and pointing out its limitations.
If the term integration requires denition, so does the term conict. Here conict is not intended to refer solely to open rebellion, but rather to the entire complex of contrasts and tensions within Sicilian society that, admittedly, went so far in some cases as to lead portions of that society to take the extreme option of insurrection and, ultimately, of calling for help from the Most Christian King of France, the only sovereign in the panorama of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries powerful enough to hope to undermine the Catholic monarchy of Spain.
Le modle des rvolutions priphriques en question note critique , Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales 1 January-February : Nevertheless, this parachutists viewif I may be permitted the well-known imagehas its utility: it permits us to see the woods as a whole, and to discern contours and forms that might escape the mushroom-hunter.
The rst objective of this essay is thus to dene the specic characteristics of the participation of the Kingdom of Sicily Regnum Siciliae in the Castilian monarchy. The second aim is to attempt to explain the causes of Sicilys long season of consensus with the policies of the Spanish Habsburgs, a task that of course involves delineating the principal modes of integration. The third objective is to isolate the causes of the upsurge of the widespread conict during the course of the seventeenth century, and then to discern what induced Sicilians to rebel on two occasions, rst in coincident with the revolt of Naples the famous revolt of Masaniello , then in the revolt of Messina in In pursuing these aims I shall seek to demonstrate that the conventional thesis of the so-called pact or contract subscribed to by the Sicilian elites terms coined, however, to refer to the elites of Naples are overly schematic and, in substance, misleading.
Without doubt, this thesis relies on some veriable processesfor example, the feudal nobility did lose some autonomous capability to use forcebut it renders them static and imprisons them within a rather mechanical scheme. Seen from the Sicilian point of view, this thesis tends to squeeze the governing class of the island into a homogeneous, politically united role that it never had;3 above all, it tends to obscure signicant variations in political orientation through time. Florence: Sansoni, , 1:iii. It seems more productive to pinpoint, within the evolution of the system of integration, the fundamental process that led to a noticeable change in political relations between the Sicilian aristocracy and the Spanish Habsburg monarchy.
This occurred after the introduction, rst, of the valimiento, the system of placing the royal power into the hands of one chief minister, the valido or court favorite, then of what was called the war government or the extraordinary government. The Kingdom of Sicily in the Castilian Monarchy This means that I shall give special consideration to the institutional channels, notably the restructuring of the political-administrative apparatus during the course of the sixteenth century, culminating in the reform of the courts in ,6 which embodied the mechanisms for the integration of Sicily into the composite monarchy of the Spanish Habsburgs.
A rapid examination of the role of the viceroy and the few other Spanish functionaries present on the island, on the one hand, and of Sicilian functionaries in Madrid, on the other hand, illustrates the weakness of the ocial structures through which in theory political integration was accomplished. Ocially, the number of Spanish functionaries present on the Island was limited to the viceroy, his consultore rst councilor of the kingdom, appointed directly by the king , and a variable but restricted number of other ministers.
Several means were used to overcome this obstacle. The simplest of these was for a Spaniard to be naturalized as a Sicilian, earning citizenship by residence in a Sicilian city for a certain period or per ductionem uxoris, by taking a Sicilian wife. This escamotage was much used, in Palermo in particular, which was generally known as an open city, in a strategy that it adopted to enhance its incomplete or challenged status as a capital city. On other occasions various expedients were used to circumvent the privilege that reserved posts to native Sicilians.
Constitucionales, , See also, J. Below: Qualquier nacin del mundo tiene por naturaleza de no darse los ocios estrangeros; en seal de conana; vasallos conquistados. See Adelaide Baviera Albanese, ed. XV : For example, when Portugal became a Spanish dependency, Philip II promised the Portuguese that he would respect all their fueros y privilegios [laws and privileges], among these, the reservation of castles to the native-born. In Sicily, on the other hand, as Fortunato notes, castles could be given to foreigners. Another way to avoid the problem was to create posts for extraordinary councilors, a system that was used not only in the case of the Great Sicilian, Carlo dAragona y Tagliavia, the duke of Terranova, but also for such Spaniards as the alcado mayor of Castile, don Pedro Gonzles de Mendoza, don Ottavio de Aragn, and don Nofre Escriv.
These were practices that invariably aroused the opposition of the Deputation of the Kingdom, prompting such protest that Philip II declared that the extraordinary councillors not take part in adjudicating cases involving the property and income of the royal patrimony or the Sacro Consiglio, comprised of the greater and more important ocials of the kingdom. The overall picture is more complex than this, however, and it cannot be restricted to the political and administrative infrastructure alone.
Above all, we need also to consider the military sector, although its weakness in Sicily seems clear, especially after the end of the great war operations in the Mediterranean against the Turks. Sicily, as is known, had played a relatively large role in military action in the s and 40s, the years of the capture of Tunis and Goletta.
Later, beginning with the vice-regency of Juan de Vega, came the erection of a defensive system of watch towers and fortresses, backed by the kingdoms galleys. As late as the s, Sicily was the logistic base for the operations at Lepanto. Nonetheless, as early as the end of the century, and in spite of later attempts on the part of viceroy Osuna to build up Sicilys military role, a progressive decline in the importance of the Mediterranean front and the consequent tendency to down-size the Castilian military presence on the islanda loss that was partially overcome, though with an exclusively defensive aim, by the.
One sign of this shift was the cutback in the galley eet, which went from some twenty vessels in the time of Marcantonio Colonnas vice-regency to nine in Osunas day, and later, ultimately to a squadron of six vessels. Pietro Celestre perceptively comments: It seems they are going to shrink, not grow.
Ecclesiastical structures, both secular and regular, require examination as well. A characteristic of the Sicilian scene was the presence of the important institution of the Regia Monarchia. This was the sovereigns enviable power, as papal legate, to have a free hand in lling vacant seats in the churches that lay in the royal patronage. This power enabled him to confer a conspicuous number of ecclesiastical posts to Castilian or at least Spanish personnel.
Even if the titular holders of such posts and beneces did not necessarily reside in Sicily, this was yet another fundamental channel of integration. It was of course reinforced by the presence on the island of the Spanish Inquisition, another means for inserting Spanish personnel into important nerve-points of Sicilian society. Historians have often interpreted the privilege of the Regia Monarchia also known as the Legazia Apostolica 14 as an instrument of monarchic absolutism, a weapon in the hands of the monarch to counter papal claims to a right to interfere in religious life and in the Church in Sicily.
Often the Spanish Inquisition, of which the Sicilian Inquisition was a dependency, has been seen in the same way. Celestre, Idea del govierno del reyno de Sicilia, Rather than reinforcing the absolute power of sovereignty, the presence of institutions directly controlled from Madrid, as were the Regia Monarchy and the Inquisition, seems to have created other channels connecting the center and the periphery that consolidated relations based in politics, family, friendship, or kinship.
One aspect of these connections or channels that should be stressed is that they were not hierarchically disposed even though they depended, in whole or in part, on the Crown. The system for the political integration of Sicily into the Spanish Habsburg monarchy thus seems to have been arranged, in the sixteenth century, by means of distinct, more or less parallel, and occasionally conicting, channels. In other words, in any given context, the institution that prevailed which was not necessarily the one with the greatest formal prominence was the one that found a better way to interpret the Crowns requirements for loyalty and service.
This occurred not because of any institutional virtue, but rather by the actions of the men the groups, factions, or clientele systems who formed that institution at a given moment. From this point of view, the oce of the viceroy, leaving aside some viceroys talent for dominating the scene, was not thought of as the undisputed channel for an executive chain of command, but rather as just one important charge in a jurisdictional universe that included other, concurrent oces.
Moreover, the stability of that charge a three-year mandate, rotation within a cursus honorum went. It has often been noted that the position of consultore, the other muy preminente oce that was almost always lled by a Spaniard So that [he] not be inuenced by kinship or similar things, it is ordered that he be a foreigner, that is, the oceholder had to be someone predisposed to counsel the viceroys on all occasions. In substance its function was not overly dierent from the control over the governor in French pays dEtat provided by the intendent in the age of Louis XIII and Richelieu.
This remains true even without consideration of the system of ocial visits. It is signicant that in the ceremony in which he received his patent, a visitor-general was given an elaborately decorated armchair identical to the viceroys. There is abundant evidence of visitors who complained of the viceregal secretariats failure to cooperate with their inquiries. In a certain sense, there is a curious parallel between the stabilization of the role of the viceroy, anked by the junta of the presidents and the consultore, and the stabilization of the role of Parliament and of the Deputation of the Kingdom, its executive committee.
This stabilization represented one aspect of the formal respect owed to the constitutions of the Kingdom of Sicily, but it was also a way to seek an ecacious connection with Sicilian society, especially in the aim of locating resources.
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- The Prince.
This opens a question much debated in Sicilian historiography: that of the historical signicance of the long duration of the Sicilian Parliament, a body that met with no consistent attempt, during the Spanish period, to suspend its sessions or abrogate its functions. This long continuance can be explained by the fact that, overall, the. The rst part of this work presents a thorough analysis of the role of these investigatory visits in the Spanish crown lands in Italy. III, fasc. Parliament functioned eciently as an instrument of integration.
The Causes of Integration What really assured the long-term political integration of Sicily into the Spanish Habsburg monarchy was the kinship connections between Sicilian families aristocratic families in particular and the Aragonese and Catalonian nobility and, with increasing frequency, the Castilian nobility. Such links provided a substantial continuity of family and cultural traditions. According to Pedro de Cisneros, the ill-fated secretary to viceroy Marcantonio Colonna imprisoned for fraud and extorsion, writing in his Relacin de las cosas del reyno de Sicilia,20 the most prominent gures in the Sicilian nobility should henceforth be considered as completely hispanized: these included the prince of Butera, the holder of the highest title in the kingdom and a member of the house of Santa Pau, who boasted of his familys origins in Catalonia; the prince of Castelvetrano and duke of Terranova, who traced his lineage in part from the famous Blasco de Alagon who arrived in Sicily in with Pedro de Aragn, the king, and who was, according to Cisneros, related to the royal house of Aragn.
Francesco Moncada, the prince of Paterno, lord of Aderno and Caltanisetta and count of Golisano, is given as a great-grandson of Juan de Vega on his mothers side; Juan de Ziga, the prince of Pietraperzia was Comendadador mayor de Castilla; Pietro de Luna a family considered.
Vittorio Sciuti Russi Naples: Jovene, , On the traditions, actual and presumed, of the Sicilian nobility, see E. It would be mistaken to think of these connections, cemented by marriage, as private ties. They were also political alliances that inuenced choices and determined options regarding public life. Moreover, it was thanks to what we can call a long familiarity with the political landscape of the Iberian peninsula that the great Sicilian families had relatives, agents, friends, and allies at court. Representation at court of the Kingdom of Sicily was thus far from being limited to the presence of a regent in the Council of Italy and a secretary or a court chaplain or two.
An examination of private correspondence with persons sent to court shows us a complex universe of close but informal contacts that conveyed political relations of notable importance. Big cities were endowed with political traditions and invested with privileges. These cities attempted to tailor an intermediary space for themselves.
Here the presence of a special case like that of Messina, one of the most privileged cities of the monarchy, should be stressed, not only in its own right, but also for the example it provides in contrast to other urban centers. One of the main characteristics of Messinas liberty, which all the other cities of Sicily tended, in dierent ways, to imitate, was the presence and activities of its agents and representatives at court. The open model of integration not only left room for rival models, but even tended to encourage them. Palermo, the contested capital city, reacted to Messinas attack by focusing on its role as a court city, hence a natural place of residence of Sicilian noble families as well as the new noble families who were rising in society thanks to the wealth they had accumu-.
Simona Giurato Catania, Rainero Bellone, trascritta e continuata sino al da D. Salesio Mannamo, R. Mastro Notaro del Senato, per suo uso personale, vol. Tavilla, Per la storia delle istituzioni municipali a Messina tra Medioevo ed et moderna, 2 vols. Messina: Societ Messinese di Storia Patria, Palermo welcomed them and welcomed the transformations they introduced as was true in Naples 24 when they built their city houses or palaces there, but also when they founded monasteries and charitable institutions.
Common themes are everywhere: in the baroque restructuring of the realm of the sacred; in a widespread fondness for Spanish reed spear tournament and bullghts juegos de caas and toros , for preaching, and for the theater; in a passion for the new style of urban decoration borrowed from Rome,26 and, conversely, even for criticism of the court and an exaltation of country living alabanza de aldea. From that viewpoint the vice-regal court represented a fundamental pivot point: it was a center of transmission for the new cultural initiatives, the fashions, and the new directions taken by a governing class thatfrom Madrid to Palermo coordinated, rened, and continually modied its tastes.
Integration and Division to These basic processes and this convergence made possible by a mechanism of supple integration were subject to phases of acceleration dictated by politics. The rst of these arose out of the side eects of the introduction of the system of valimiento. These processes continued on into the age of Philip III , together with a notable increase in matrimonial ties between the Sicilian nobility and the Castilian aristocracy. It is with the duke of Osunas arrival in Sicily as viceroy that we can begin to see clearly to how great an extent these options tended to become divisive, hence to produce conict.
This was no longer a simple clash between two privileged cities, Messina and Palermo, in competition for the title of capital city; on a deeper level, it reected two diering conceptions of the role of Sicilian participation in the Monarchy. One portion of Sicilian society resisted in the face of the viceroys rst attempt to break down certain privileged arrangements guaranteeing others, and with them in essence reinforcing the strategic importance of the power block of grain interests concentrated in Palermo around the viceroy.
It is interesting to note that this resistance, which was aimed at both the conservation of interests and the defense of traditional ideas regarding the limits of viceregal action and the nature of relations between the Crown and the Kingdom, met with an attentive hearing from some members of the Council of Italy and the court.
This means that divisions existing at court and in Sicily began to converge. Obviously, this was not the rst time that correlations of the sort had ever occurred. During the course of the sixteenth century there had been important alliances between factions at court. Often these alignments arose thanks to a viceroy: Garcia de Toledo , for example, relied on the support of the largest Sicilian political block the Aragona and Tagliavia families ;30 Marcantonio Colonna attempted to create a party of his own.
It is signicant that the principal attacks on Colonna came from the Inquisition, another supposed channel of integration. This is indicative of just how interconnected court politics and political interests in the periphery had already become. Growing scal pressures due to the increased cost of the state infrastructure and, soon, to war expenditures, add to this picture.
These pressures created a competition for honors, a race for population growth between the older centers and newly founded ones,32 and rivalries for preeminence and a spirit of conict in the sphere of the sacred. The rst thing to note is that the consolidation of the Olivares regime brought no serious attempt to curtail Messinas system of privileges. In spite of the attacks periodically launched by some of the viceroys, who were often persons linked to various groups opposed to Olivares, the Council of Italy made no move to change the status quo, either regarding Messinas controversial economic privileges or the no less controversial theoretical parity between Messina a Palermo as the residence of the viceroy.
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