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The bull is a relatively tolerant document, recognizing the disagreement caused by the presence of the organ and other instruments in church, but ultimately approving their use, subject to limitations. To A. D Collegeville, Minn. Bury their sense and duly cover them with earth. When Annus qui arrived in Vienna in early , Empress Maria Theresia had seen almost a decade in power, and during that time she had already initiated a series of reforms designed to bring the Empire to terms with changing political realities.

Under her father, Charles VI, the imperial court had conducted itself according to an elaborate ceremonial code derived from the now-extinct Spanish line of the Hapsburg dynasty, and foreign visitors often remarked upon the backward-looking nature of social interactions in the Hofburg.

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In both the sacred and secular realm, the aural experience of court participants played an essential part in the construction of this conservative self-image, and a number of surviving rubrics testify to the elaborate nature of vocal and instrumental music employed during 10 Magnum bullarium romanum.

Benedicti Papae XIV. Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, , iii. The reform of the 12 RGZJ, Both Maria Theresia and her consort Francis disliked state ceremonial to varying degrees, and Francis, who had been initiated as a Freemason, even completed a miniature depicting himself as a Franciscan monk.

The Halbfeiertage required attendance at church for the observance of the feast, but did not involve the shop closures and other restrictions practiced on the Vollfeiertage. On the orders of Maria Theresia, St. See also Beales, Joseph II, This decree has been the subject of considerable confusion, much of which is due to the ambiguous wording of the original documents and contradictory evidence from ecclesiastical and musical sources. See E. Muratori Florence: Olshki, , Als haben Ihre kaiserl. Vienna: A. Holzhausen, , iii. See RGZJ, Regierung der…Mar. Theresianisches Gesetzbuch, enthaltend die Gesetze von den Jahren bis , 9 vols.

Nevertheless, the fact that the reforms to the church calendar were also introduced in January , after consultation between Maria Theresia and Benedict XIV, shows that the Empress did consider it important to maintain good relations with Rome in liturgical matters, and the contemporary reforms to church music should be seen in this light. The three proclamations have commonly been interpreted as bans on the presence of music of any kind involving trumpets and timpani. One commentator has suggested that the real intention of the decrees was to prohibit the trumpet fanfares that commonly preceded and followed the celebration of high Mass and served as interludes during the Te Deum.

A celebratory service at St. Und Although the dating of mid-century repertoire is highly problematic, due to a lack of surviving autographs and other documentation, it is possible in a number of cases to determine the provenance of a particular composition. Those masses said by Hofer to date from are: 53a St. Theresia, , 61 St. Michael, c. Thekla, c.

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Petrus und Paulus, c. Ludovici, Albrechtsberger wrote several sacred works during this period that call for trumpets and timpani A. Hamburg: Verlag der Musikalienhandlung K. Wagner, In practice, the Hofkapelle seems to have maintained this restriction for an even shorter period than the trumpet ban, although a number of contemporary works by Reutter do seem tailored to the Imperial request. The entries for , found scattered throughout the book, concern minor liturgical details such as the omission of the gradual f. The head of the Austro- Bohemian Chancellery, Count Chotek followed, with an advisory letter to the Emperor citing public demand for the change.

In his early years, Joseph had received a wide-ranging education, including musical instruction from Reutter,37 and participated in the expected religious observances, both public and private. Ingrid Fuchs Tutzing: Hans Schneider, , i. Friedrich Lippmann Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, , On this point, he adopts an astonishingly decided and partisan attitude. It is worthy of note, however, that Maria Theresia subsequently refrained from issuing further orders related to military instruments, apparently content to let Joseph exercise discretion in the matter.

On at least one occasion, the Landesregierung did grant official permission for the use of trumpets and timpani in Viennese churches, but the general impression is for a rather lax enforcement of the Imperial requirements for notification and consent. The trumpet concerto K. Glaublich wird der Wolfgang: selbt [sic] tactieren. Es hat alles sein Ursachen. Yet even as sole ruler, from late , Joseph seems never to have ordered a full retraction of the trumpet and timpani ban, or the removal of its disregarded requirement for Imperial supervision. He may have concluded that more fundamental structural changes were required for the successful implementation of his reform agenda in religious music, in order that Imperial edicts be observed consistently.

See Ibid. In , Maria Theresia had already proclaimed that a passage in the breviary concerning the Pope should be pasted over, and further imports forbidden Ibid. For more details on these laws, see RGZJ, People of Greek orthodox faith were also permitted to worship freely. Joseph, for his part, received the Pope courteously, but refused to back down on his reform program. Pius eventually departed the city with a more favourable impression of Joseph than the papal nuncio had provided, 54 On the closure of monasteries in Vienna, see Derek Beales, Prosperity and Plunder: European Catholic Monasteries in the Age of Revolution, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , In order to prepare for the reforms, the Episcopal consistory of Vienna commissioned a survey in February from the churches of the city, requiring them to state the number, type and duration of services held each day, in addition to the number and origin of the 58 See Elisabeth Kovacs, Der Pabst in Teutschland: die Reise Pius VI.

Tempsky, Holzhausen, , iv. The Commission had established a wider body, the Lower Austrian Geistliche Filialkommission, who provided its own opinion on the directive sent to Kressel in a submission of late October. All high masses were banned, with the exception of those on Sundays and holy days, and low mass limited to a length of half an hour. Not surprisingly, Cardinal Migazzi objected strenuously to these restrictions, but he achieved far less success in changing current Imperial policy than he had with the petition of After a fruitless meeting with Joseph on 16 December, and an unsuccessful conference with the Lower Austrian Landesregierung, Migazzi produced another petition to the Emperor on 21 January , requesting the relaxation of several regulations.

He had already indicated to Baron Kressel that the budget for church music should be heavily reduced, to make better use of the Religious Fund, and the directive to Migazzi adopts a pragmatic solution aimed at transferring expenditure from public to private sources. Although the proclamation of December contained much detailed information on the proper conduct of services, a more systematic treatment was required for everyday use. In particular, there was a need for a comprehensive public statement on the role of music in church services, taking into account the private determinations of the Emperor and the Hofkomission, and making explicit the performative restrictions implied by the reduction in high masses.


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A central feature of the new order was to be the regular progression of masses throughout the churches in each parish, suppressing what was thought to be wasteful duplication. Draft of the new Gottesdienstordnung for Vienna, January One exception concerned the service of Vespers, where the Consistory under Migazzi proposed allowing St. Both the circulars and the booklet consist of the Gottesdienstordnung proper, detailing the observance of mass, vespers, the various litanies and other services, followed by the Andachtsordnung, listing the churches of the city and the times at which these services could be heard.

Bey St. An Sonn- und Feyertagen wird in jeder Pfarrkirche das Hochamt mit Instrumentalmusik, oder wo keine dergleichen ist, choraliter gehalten. Jahrhunderts, ed.

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More noteworthy was the stipulation that churches supporting choirs could no longer perform instrumentally-accompanied masses outside Sundays and feast days, but must limit themselves to chant with optional organ accompaniment. With the institution of the new Gottesdienstordnung, the number of masses per week at which concerted music could be heard dropped from seven to one or two, depending on the placement of feast days during the week.

Instrumental vespers had been a regular feature on Sundays and one other day of the week in many churches, and these were now abandoned. As we have seen, musical renditions of the various litanies were removed entirely, bringing to an end the vocal performance of a rite particularly associated with Lent. The repeated restrictions on public processions would have impacted on the livelihoods of the musicians who participated in them, brass players in particular. The suppression of 77 Choraliter in this context implies chant and possibly congregational hymns.

Peter Unterthan, chaplain to a parish near Vienna, preached a sermon one week after the introduction of the Gottesdienstordnung. O welches Geschrei erschall aller Orten! The name of the author may be a pseudonym. How much interest did Mozart take in all these proceedings? Due to his former directorial and compositional responsibilities at Salzburg Cathedral, Mozart was well acquainted with the demands of running a sacred musical institution. If Mozart did attend church on a regular basis, however, it is reasonable to assume that he encountered concerted sacred 81 ASV, Arch.

Vienna , f. I am once again indebted to Bruce Brown for his assistance in the transcription of this document. The book that the vendors were selling was presumably the new Normalgesang. On the one hand was Mozart, the freelance artist, active in public concerts and the distribution of primarily secular music; on the other, a class of instrumentalists and singers indebted to a religious institution for support, performing a highly specialised repertoire. For Mozart, newly freed from the constraints of working under an uncongenial employer in a declining principality, church music may have represented one of the less attractive possibilities for professional advancement.

Yet the very availability of a large body of instrumentalists and singers, many of whom were active in secular music as well, made it advantageous to establish contacts within this world, particularly for the possibility of recruitment into orchestral rosters. For the composer, however, there were particular incentives in revealing his religious observance, and the occasional references to it 82 An ambitious series of subscription concerts such as those put on by Mozart in the s must have required a considerable number of instrumentalists.

Little is known at this stage about how Mozart went about recruiting these performers. Thus we encounter several instances of Mozart informing his father of religious events in the city, with the implicit or explicit intention of demonstrating his interest, or at least observance, of church ritual and the maintenance of spiritual well-being.

Between and the introduction of the Gottesdienstordnung in April , Mozart was connected with at least two Viennese churches, although the precise extent of these contacts is unknown. The visit of the Salzburg court to Vienna in early coincided with the season of Lent, and among its observances was a communion administered on Maundy Thursday by Archbishop Colloredo himself. Stephan, Copulations-Buch Tom. One possibility is the Church of St. Elisabeth Deutschordenskirche , which adjoined the building in which the Salzburg court was staying.

As Mozart reported to Leopold, this search led to the rediscovery of an old acquaintance: denn ich komme eben davon her [d. Ceccarelli und ich giengen also heute Nachtisch zu den theatinnern, um den Pater froschauer87 aufzusuchen, weil dieser Italienisch kann. The commentary in MBA does not identify Froschauer. Cajetan Chapel emerges as a likely candidate. Four months after he and Constanze had made their confession and received communion together at the St. In , the chapel was deconsecrated, and in the entire building was sold.

Kirchheim, , Two views of the Theatine monastery. The entrance to the chapel is shown at the right-hand side of the building. This statement of belief may be seen as an attempt by Mozart to portray his marriage as a divinely ordained and sanctioned event, ultimately outside the control of Leopold. Given the vicissitudes leading up to the marriage, Mozart himself may have found it congenial to view the occasion in a similar light.

What role did Constanze really play in the religious life of her husband? In view of the central importance Mozart evidently attached to her in the composition of C minor Mass, this is an important but almost unanswerable question. Von der Znatsnoc. Mozart disturbed the order of the devotional pictures, wrote something on each of them, but then noticed that there were two copies of a particular engraving, and wished to keep one as a souvenir.

Despite the roundabout transmission, the reliability of the other documents in Mozartiana suggests the note is authentic. If Mozart and Constanze did indeed attend church on a regular basis, they would have inevitably come into contact with reforms introduced by Joseph II, resulting in them singing more hymns, lighting fewer candles, worshipping at plain altars and much else besides.

Mozart at his death did possess a Vulgate Bible from Cologne, but the origins of its acquisition are unknown. It is possible that Mozart did indeed feel that way about sacred music at that point in time. Most paintings and votive tablets were indeed eventually banned, but not until February The deputy Staatskanzler, Graf Cobenzl, was also associated with Mozart, and invited the composer several times to his estate in the Vienna Woods during Given the professional areas in which Mozart was now promoting himself, the choice to cultivate primarily secular patrons was a natural decision.

The decision of Joseph II to radically reduce the amount of paid work for singers and instrumentalists caused economic hardship in the short term, for there was no equivalent to the Religious Fund set up to compensate defrocked monks and nuns after the forced closure of their Houses. What did prove problematic in the longer term for Joseph was his tendency to micro-manage trivial details and his belief that the issuance of a proclamation would immediately correct what he saw as errors. The one area of church music that Joseph did approve was the singing of hymns, since their accompaniment required only a small expenditure, and the entire congregation became involved in singing.

The Emperor seems not to have been concerned about the human impact of his reforms, for no consideration was given to potential loss of income in the documents associated with the new order of service. Johann Tauber von Taubenfurt, I. Alle Klosterfrauen, besonders die Musicantinen haben, dabei nebmlich unter der Auferstehung biterlich geweint Deuticke, , Haydn and Mozart produced fine masses in the year before the abolition of elaborate church music by the Emperor Joseph II in For a time scarcely any new church music was written in Vienna, but after it was once again an attractive field for composers.

Geburtstag, ed. Nicolai was not present in the city when the Gottesdienstordnung was introduced in , and must have relied on second-hand reports when writing this passage: Bey der neuen Anordnung des Gottesdienstes im Jahre ist die figurirte und Instrumentalmusik aus den Kirchen zu Wien ganz verbannet worden. Die Choralmusik ist nur in den Kirchen in Uebung, wo Chor z. Although instrumental litanies and vespers mostly disappeared, the provision for instrumental masses on Sundays and feast days remained entirely unaffected.

Berlin and Stettin: n. Vienna: Thad. Edlen von Schmidbauer und Komp. Although there was no provision for them in the Gottesdienstordnung, Joseph did grant permission for Migazzi to hold them as long as they were not supported by state subsidy, as we have seen in the previous chapter; see also RGZJ, n A setting of vespers by Johann Georg Spangler, regens chori at the Michaelerkirche will be discussed in the final chapter.

Many of the smaller and private chapels in the city did close, but the music-making there was invariably small-scale and of little interest to a composer like Mozart. The Gottesdienstordnung in its original form stayed in force in Vienna until , when Leopold II permitted a modest relaxation of its strictures. In late , an advertisement in the Wiener Zeitung announced the availability of the local editions: Im deutschen Zeitungskomtoir in der Singerstrasse Nr.

Pro Anno Domini Ordnung und Lieder zusammen gebunden, mit und ohne Noten in allerley Einband. On 21 June, the Landesregierung ordered that all churches in the city should provide an account of their sacred music arrangements, listing names, positions and rates of pay both before and after the introduction of the Gottesdienstordnung. The responses of the various churches are mostly extant, and they provide a fascinating glimpse into a musical world that is otherwise little-documented and still less studied.

Figure 2. Christophori e Comitibus Migazzi Vienna: Ghelen, Vienna: Trattner, , v. See, however, RGZJ, n Payments for musicians at St. The voluminous financial information in the 46 submissions was compiled into a page summary by the Hofbuchhalterey, and presented to Joseph together with recommendations by the Landesregierung on 4 January The Regierung opined that, since the funds previously allocated to music had been reassigned, there was nothing that could be done.

Joseph agreed, and ordered a response sent stating that financial expenditure on church music was entirely at the discretion of the individual churches. Thirdly, two of the most important ensembles in the city, those of the Hofkapelle and St. Fourthly, the summary figures mask the individual circumstances of each church, and the relative reductions could vary based on the extent of the various music programs and their sources of support. Amongst the hardest hit was the program at St.

In the lively musical economy of Vienna in the s, many musicians no doubt obtained work outside church environments. Evidence for this comes not only from musical sources but also from the contemporary religious literature. A review of the former appeared in Die Wiener- Wochenschrift, Nr. Other contemporary accounts of Viennese sacred music include: Anon. In addition to the individually published items, a number of religious periodicals were active in the city.

Their primary focus was not musical and all were Josephinian in orientation, but once this is borne in mind they become a useful source for the state of sacred music in Vienna and beyond. These anonymous articles were effectively reviews of recent church services, critiquing the content , , Anon.

Otto Biba Munich: E. Katzbichler, , Norton, The most fundamental measure of the viability of church music in the s is, of course, the number of newly written sacred works, for it is difficult to imagine why a composer would undertake such tasks without at least the possibility of performance. Firstly, it is unwise to take the experience of just two composers as indicative of a wider phenomenon — especially two composers whose 25 On the Wochentliche Wahrheiten, see Bernhard M.

Ottilien: EOS, Martin von Cochem According to the Gottesdienstordnung, instrumental masses were not permitted in small communities such as Barzdorf. Secondly, the claim that Mozart did not engage in sacred music between the C minor Mass and Ave verum is factually incorrect, as we shall see in the following chapters. Finally, this kind of post hoc reasoning is dangerous as long as other potential explanations for the alleged compositional silence are ignored.

Ingrid Fuchs Tutzing: Schneider, , Sacred Music Written in Vienna, Nomine Jesu J. Mozart Anh. Francisci Seraphici G. Many of the works listed in the table and the basis for their dating will be discussed in future chapters, but it is sufficient to begin here with the remarkable productivity of Johann Georg Albrechtsberger, regens chori at the former Carmelite church in Leopoldstadt.

Joseph, Albrechtsberger completed over 30 mass propers between and before scaling back production; see Figure 2. In addition to his duties at St. Joseph, Albrechtsberger served as second organist in the Hofkapelle from , but there is scant evidence that his sacred music was heard in the court chapel until he advanced to the position of first organist in Wagner, , i.

Many further works by Albrechtsberger entered the repertoire of the Hofkapelle in the s. H-Bn, Ms. It is possible that the parts were used at the Hofkapelle or St. April Die gestifteten musikalischen und gesungenen Litaneien, Vespern u. Leopold 15 November , and the first performance date on the parts is 15 November The second date, 26 December , corresponds to St.

Stephen; it is possible that the parts were used at St. The watermark is Tyson 62, found with various staff rulings in works by Mozart from to A-Wn, Mus. Leopold reported Albrechtsberger giving the eleven-year-old the opportunity to play the organ at Stift Melk in Perhaps the most interesting encounter between the two composers occurred in , when Albrechtsberger tested a newly completed organ by Franz Xaver Chrismann at the church of St. Laurenz am Schottenfeld. According to an account of the occasion by Ludwig Kraus, the priest at St.

Robbins Landon on His Seventieth Birthday, ed. Man hat dabei eine confuse Nachahmung von verschiedenen Instrumenten, und fast wie von einem Gesange. Jahrhunderts, vol. The only possible exception I have encountered is a Salve Regina for solo alto that survives in a set of parts from the collection of Archduke Rudolph. The two offertories, which may possibly be associated with the coronation services of the s, are in A-Wn, HK and HK The watermarks are also suggestive of a date in the early to mids.

Nebst einem themat. It is likely that the prolific Tobias Gsur, Kapellmeister at the Schottenstift, was active in composition during this decade, but the large collection of his music still at the monastery awaits further study. Joseph and the Michaelerkirche are further possibilities. Wanhal, who lived opposite Mozart for several years, was a prolific composer of sacred music, and most of his output in this genre has been catalogued. Friberth 1 Vexilla Regis, post and S-Smf, s.

Missa in D, Krenn, Many relevant sources are missing from this catalogue. See also Bruce C. The copyist Johann Schmutzer, for example, produced several sets of parts for the Augustinerkirche. Es sind grosse Anzahlen von Messen, Gradual. Vespen, Psalmi, Mottet. Requiem, Litan. I am grateful to Otto Biba for providing me with a copy of this advertisement. Names are transcribed exactly as they appear in the original. It is not clear who was selling all this music or where it had come from; the house was owned by Barbara von Neuhaus and the nearest church was St.

Johann Nepomuk.

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In seeking to reform the content of Viennese church services, Joseph II was setting himself against a tradition of musical splendour that stretched back to the Counter-Reformation, and universal compliance with the new order was not guaranteed. Given the prominence of music in Viennese cultural life, it is not surprising that the new order was sometimes disobeyed to the benefit of musicians and listeners. Haydn Partitur. Offertorium Pro Festo SS. Whether or not Leopold ventured into the attic, it has been suggested that he did send his son an example of his own music: the autograph score of the Litaniae de Venerabili in D, Carlson IB2, now in the Konsistorialarchiv in Salzburg.

Walter Senn dated the corrections to the Viennese period on the speculative grounds that Mozart would not have made such modifications, particularly ones written so hastily, while under the supervision of his father. It is not clear why Mozart would have wanted to perform a litany in Vienna, since the Gottesdienstordnung had no provision for instrumental settings of any kind and the van Swieten circle was performing, as Mozart related, with keyboard reductions only.

There are however a number of non-autograph manuscripts that Mozart may have used to perform his sacred music in Vienna, and at least one of them is of Salzburg origin. For more on this manuscript and the early distribution of K. Mozart also had a score copy of a mass by Eberlin, now D-F, Mus. Plath speculated that a score of K. Andre lacked the autograph of K. Score copies of K. Further work on the provenance of this copy will require a detailed study of its readings.

GB-Lbl, Add. No less significant of a coincidence was the fact that Mozart himself had been engaged on a sacred work for the past few months, one cast on a nearly unprecedented scale: the Mass in C minor, K. Jahrhundert Kassel: G. Given the timing, is it possible that one motivation behind the ongoing composition of K. If, as Niemetschek claimed, church music was 83 MBA, iii. The van Swieten circle is a possibility, as is Michael Haydn in Salzburg. On 2 May , Johann Anton Andre wrote a now-lost letter to Constanze regarding works that were missing or incomplete from the Nachlass he had recently purchased.

Vincent Novello was particularly interested in Davide Penitente, and as he noted: 85 Niemetschek, Lebensbeschreibung, This Mass was performed in the Cathedral at Salzburg and Madame Mozart herself sang all the principal solos. Diese Messe wurde den 23sten August im Kapellhauser probirt und den 25sten in der St.

The common thread running through most of these episodes is, of course, Constanze, and her association with K. The original diaries are now in GB-LEbc. Mozart Jnr. Did Mozart design the first soprano part for Constanze from the outset? The writing for this soloist is of exceptional virtuosity, requiring a range from a to c3 if one includes the incomplete Et incarnatus. One might wonder if Constanze was up to the task, or consider the possibility that Mozart maintained an idealised picture of her vocal abilities.

As is well known, one of the Solfeggi K. The soprano part in the Bandl-Terzett K. The mass was evidently underway by January , when Mozart mentioned it in the letter to Leopold quoted above. This letter, however, provides at most a terminus ad quem for the beginning of work on K. See MVC, Cliff Eisen Oxford: Clarendon Press, , The most common paper-type found in the score is Tyson II, which Mozart used for the Kyrie with the exception of its last page , a replacement bifolium in the Laudamus te, the second half of the Quoniam and a large final stretch covering most of the Cum sancto together with the Credo and Et incarnatus in their entirety.

This paper-type is found in a wide variety of works by Mozart dating from mid to early Edge has suggested that Mozart made at least four separate acquisitions of this paper, the first by August , a second before the end of , a third in the summer of , and a final purchase in mid It seems that Leopold sent his son some spare leaves of this paper in the early s, and the earliest known score to make use of it is the Horn Concerto K.

When orchestrating this part of the movement Mozart decided to revise the material on f. Thus, only the inner bifolium f. In the Kyrie of K. The anniversary celebrations in Salzburg took place in September , which is again rather early.


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A year later, however, it was Salzburg that saw the partial premiere of K. Although the florid first soprano part is anticipated in many respects by the Regina coeli K. Yoshiko Tokumaru Tokyo: Tokyo Shoseki, , A set of parts for K. In Vienna, double-choir textures were not unknown but certainly rare, and the bass trombone was not a usual member of the Viennese church orchestra at this time. Much of what seems self- consciously retrospective about the C minor Mass may reflect aspects of contemporary traditions that Mozart did not have the opportunity or inclination to explore in Salzburg.

Example 2. On the question of trombones in Viennese church orchestras, see Biba, The Waisenhausmesse K. The single exception is the parts for the Requiem, A-Wn, HK , which include a bass trombone part. Jesu Rex patriarcharum from a litany by Albrechtsberger, Source: H-Bn, Mus. The fugue shown in Example 2. Liturgically speaking, the mass was going against the grain not only in Vienna but also in Salzburg. In August , Archbishop Colloredo issued a long Hirtenbrief in commemoration of the th anniversary of the archiepiscopate that became one of the most famous documents of eighteenth-century reform Catholicism.

Lang, Gnaden des Hieronymus Joseph Erzbischofs Hirtenbrief [Vienna]: Sebastian Hartl, , Opening of the final fugue from a litany by Hofmann. Source: A-Wn, Fonds 4 Baden In January , Colloredo partly relented and allowed the use of instruments again on certain feast-days. The Hirtenbrief was widely distributed throughout Europe. In Vienna, it was reprinted in with a glowing preface by none other than Franz Anton Gilowsky b.

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Richard Schaal, vol. As with Vienna, however, the evidence is sparse. Apart from the mass at St. Strache, , This would seem to imply that much of the work was still in draft form when Mozart left Vienna. With the loss of the main score for the Sanctus, Osanna and Benedictus, however, it is impossible to tell where the principal work on these movements was accomplished. Given the loss of the Hauptpartitur, it is difficult to see how Schmid could make this statement. With the ambitious double-choir texture of the former and the fully-developed sonata structure of the latter, it is again difficult to see them as constrained by time pressure.

Nachmittag Hagenauer bestgeber, Catherl gewohnen. Bologna mit uns in der comedie. As the surviving pages contain entries and annotations by both Leopold and Wolfgang, it was clearly not an entirely private document, and as such was not an appropriate vehicle for Nannerl to record her own thoughts in any detail. Peter in Salzburg zur Zeit Mozarts, ed. Peter, , Croll provides no figures to support this assertion, and the suggested association of the payments with the Hofkapelle is not verifiable since the abbot directed funds to a wide variety of recipients; P.

Petrus Eder, personal communication. As the St. Amandus, Bishop of Worms. Amandus, whose relics were brought to Salzburg by St. Rupert, founder of St. Amandus, Bishop of Maastricht. Sacerdotes tui. Peter, , 98, The list of the ensemble as it stood in omits the two Altists, Joseph and Kajetan Russegger. It is possible that a number of the Choral singers also took part see Ibid. Per Dominum nostrum. With very few exceptions, however, the Credo was prescribed if the feast fell on a Sunday, as it did in Amandi E. Sed privat. In fin. Riedel states that it was the practice in many parts of France, Bavaria and Salzburg to break off the Credo after the Et incarnatus, and this might explain why Mozart drafted the Credo no further than this movement.

Amandi, quod incidis [? The Kyrie-Gloria tradition was well- established in Italy, Bohemia and Dresden, but less so in Austrian lands at this time; neither Mozart nor the Haydn brothers wrote one, and K. Benedicti miltantibus, specialiter tamen Monasterio S. I am grateful to P. Petrus Eder for providing me with a transcription of this passage. The St. Unfortunately, the Heilig Kreuz collection had a chequered history in the nineteenth century. Wolf and E. Schlosser, , The Fischer copy of K. Wissner, Fischer seems to have been particularly interested in fugues: of K.

The original deleted foliation of these movements can still be made out, and the paper on which they are written differs from the rest of the score. More likely it was related to the preparations for Davide penitente, during which the Sanctus and Benedictus likely became separated from the main score. Table 2. Erich Gackowski? Missa in C, K. The set for K.

Stephan in Augsburg. Adolf Buff reported in Die Musikalien des ehemaligen heil. Stephanskloster unter der Obhut des Herrn Seminardirektors P.

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Berchthold O. Die Litanei zeigt die Handschrift des P. Kreuzkloster, der selbst noch in jene Zeit hinaufreichte. The collection at St. Stephan, which included works by Fischer himself, was seen by Schmid in , but that church was likewise destroyed in Seitz, , Stephan had however been removed by unclear means before the bombing and became Privatbesitz. The Fischer score of K. The organ part for K. There are, however, some unusual features of the parts that call for comment. The first curiosity concerns the pitch. Such a disposition is familiar from the conventions of J. Instead, performances were based on a form of Chorton to which the organ, trombones and strings were tuned, leaving only the flutes, oboes and sometimes bassoons at Cammerton.

The parts, which are partially autograph, feature oboe and flute parts written in D but all the remaining instruments, including the organ, notated in C. With the loss of most of the parts for K. If St. A Salzburg performance at Cammerton might have involved the strings tuning down from Chorton, the woodwinds playing untransposed parts, the organ and trombones playing transposed parts as the surviving material indicates, and perhaps the horns and trumpets playing with lower-pitched crooks. Although further research is required, some evidence suggests that the Hofkapelle in Vienna was performing at Cammerton.

By performing it in Salzburg in b [sic], the voices sang at the same absolute pitch level as Vienna. While I am unaware of any evidence that K. Reutter himself wrote three masses in G with extant sources in Vienna: Hofer 21, 39 and Since many members of the Hofkapelle also played in the orchestra of the Burgtheater, which was at Kammerton, it is unlikely that a significant pitch disparity existed between the two ensembles.

The second difficulty with the Heilig Kreuz parts is one of handwriting. As the collection as a whole was once in the possession of the Mozart family, many of the parts not surprisingly contain additions and corrections in the hand of Wolfgang and his father. Walter Senn, who first conducted a thorough evaluation of the collection, thought that the parts for K.

On this question, Senn wrote: Von den vier in Hl. All three are notated in D. Corrections and additions to figuring in the Heilig Kreuz organ part for K. D-As, Hl These corrections appear to be limited to the first four movements of the mass only, for they are not to be found after the Gratias.

Almost all the modifications pertain to the figuring, particularly to the correction of accidentals that Estlinger had taken over by mistake from a model apparently notated at Kammerton. The corrections in question Kyrie b. There do however appear to a small number of further corrections in pencil and brown ink in the organ part. The identification of precisely which corrections were written by Mozart, if any, is a desideratum for future research. According to Eisen, the two watermark designs found in the parts have not been found in dated manuscripts earlier than , and no earlier than June of that year in manuscripts with more precise dates.

One form is found in the outermost bifolium of the organ and f. The detailed information in this paragraph on the watermarks and paper-types was supplied by Cliff Eisen personal communication , to whom I am very grateful. In Salzburg, however, the market was much smaller, and the availability of any one type was likely more restricted in chronological terms.

Consequently, the fact that no datable Salzburg manuscript with the watermarks of the K. To be sure, not all manuscripts from Salzburg have been investigated, and it is possible that dated sources from with the watermarks of the Heilig Kreuz parts will turn up. In the absence of such sources, however, and with uncertainty surrounding the alleged corrections by Mozart, the partial performance material for K.

The transmission and performance history of the C minor Mass outside the environs of Salzburg and Heilig Kreuz has been little studied. Most of the music was well-known through Davide penitente, a work that was widely distributed in both manuscript and printed One type is found in five Michael Haydn autographs beginning with Dilexisti justitiam MH The completion was performed at the Cathedral on 15 November , and a detailed review in the Wiener allgemeine Musik- Zeitung allows us to gain some idea of its content.

A-Wda, s. Edge has shown that one of the two principal surviving sources for Davide, D-FUl, M , dates from around , contrary to the assertion of Monika Holl in the NMA that it dates from c. Note that the copyist of the incipit in Figure 2. The Laudamus, of course, was already completed by Mozart, but the Et incarnatus appears in an otherwise unknown completion scored for soprano, flute, oboe, bassoon, two horns and strings; see Figure 2.

If these parts are not the work of Drechsler, they retain significance as a very early example in the reception of K. Schneider, , Eva Badura-Skoda Munich: G. Henle, , Violino 2do from an unidentified completion of the Et incarnatus. D-Dl, Mus. Tyson has shown that this was likely paper that Mozart obtained somewhere between Vienna and Salzburg in late October or November These parts, conceivably associated with the van Swieten circle, are unfortunately no longer extant. As Tyson 69 is probably a post-Salzburg paper-type, and Mozart is not known to have been working on any other mass at this time, the sketches are probably to be identified with an intention to resume work on the C minor mass in the months immediately following the premiere.

The attempt did not proceed far, and the fugue subject and countersubject are not exactly compelling, producing repeated unisons between alto and tenor and some awkward harmonies at the entry of the bass. Faced with such difficulties, it is not surprising that Mozart took this projected movement no further. The paper-type of the sketch-leaf is Tyson I, found primarily in works of but appearing as late as The fact that he invested a substantial amount of time and effort in a sacred work that had little practical or especially financial benefit is an indication of the personal significance the project possessed.

There is no need, MVC, It may be that the performance at St. In the later s, when Mozart showed increasing signs of interest in sacred music, it is perhaps significant that he chose to begin several new masses rather than return to work on the unfinished C minor mass. But there are also instances of Mozart coping with the greatest of bereavements — the death of his mother, or the death of three further children — and maintaining his usual remarkable productivity.

The paper-type on which they were written, Tyson II, continued to be used by Mozart for the next few years, so it is technically possible that the Credo and Et incarnatus were written in Vienna after the composer had heard of the death of his son. Franz Rieger, k. Feldmarschalleutnant2 I. A few months into his sole reign, Joseph seems to have decided that the Kapelle as a salaried body of musicians should gradually disappear, presumably to be replaced with a group hired on a per-service basis. Mozart und Josef Haydn zu dem k. Es kann also von der Resolution nicht abgegangen werden.

Hofburgkapelle und die k. Chronik der k. Hofburgkapelle, Jahrhundert, vol. Norton, , 3- Joseph, despite his dislike of ceremony, was present on a regular basis for Sunday services, and thus frequently heard the kind of church music he sought to restrict elsewhere. The continuing viability of the Hofkapelle is reflected in the major renovations to the Augustinerkirche, which had become a parish church in but retained its status as Hofkirche.

For this event, the walls were hung with gold-threaded tapestries and the interior lit with candles. Triltsch, , Augustin in Wien Augsburg: M. Lade, , The case of the organ is still extant. Augustin, Befehl ein von der Composition des sel. The holdings of the Hofkapelle are unusually well-preserved by the standards of eighteenth- century sacred music archives, although the history of their provenance is not at all straightforward.

The library initially numbered them as part of the main sequence of manuscripts, so that their origin was obscured and one has to use catalogues of various sorts to recover the extent of the collection. As of , however, almost all of the musical sources for the works of Mozart, Haydn, Schubert, Bruckner and many other composers still remained uncatalogued in the chapel archives, even though they had not been used in performances for decades and in some cases dated back to the eighteenth century.

Erich Valentin Augsburg: Gustav Bosse, , The collection is catalogued in Mus. In the absence of such a study, Table 3. Table 3. Performances by the Hofkapelle, HK 57, above Mus. Tyson 70, 74, 76 Mus. Nevertheless, the high proportion of sources with first performance dates in the s leaves open the possibility that Bonno remained compositionally active during his last years. Music by Kapellmeister earlier than Reutter seems to have been rare, and it is likely that the popularity of the Fux Tantum ergo was exceptional rather than typical.

Figure 3. Those concerning the Hofkapelle read: 1. Clarinets were a true rarity in Viennese church music of the s, and the only printed reference I have found to their use implies an extra-liturgical context. Francis de Sales, at St. The priest gave a fine sermon, The loss of receipts from this time means that we know very little about how the music copying needs of the Hofkapelle were fulfilled. On Riesch, see the following chapter. Theatral Direction! Oxford: Oxford University Press, , According to Valentin, the parts for K.

Both of these suggest a date around The parts for K. The set contains a number of clearly later parts that are not discussed here. Violino Primo part in alleged Sukowaty copy of K. Upon his appointment as Kapellmeister in February , Salieri seems initially to have continued the performance pattern established by his predecessor Bonno, albeit with some personal touches of his own. Despite its importance, this catalogue has remained very little-known, primarily because it was in the personal possession of Pfannhauser until his death in The manuscript, D-B, Mus.

Bono 1, also contains a revised passage for another mass by Bonno. Joseph II. The sources are thus consistent with a date between and the early s. Bock, , The sources for the mass, on the other hand, suggest a later date. Early in the s, Salieri began to expand the repertoire of the Hofkapelle, acquiring and possibly commissioning works from court musicians such as Albrechtsberger, Umlauf, Krottendorfer and Summer.

The most significant new presence, however, was P. From to , Pasterwitz was resident in Vienna as Hofmeister, a kind of ambassador for the monastery. Kapellmeister 59 The watermarks are difficult to make out, but consist, firstly, of three moons two letters perhaps FV or FL under a canopy. The presence of the man-in-the-moon strongly suggests a date after Many autographs survive, and the composer sometimes, but not always dated them. A-KR, Part. Although the vast majority of sacred music heard at the court was performed by the Hofkapelle, the singers of the Italian opera were occasionally called upon to provide religious music as well.

On the misattribution of this work to Michael Haydn, see the concluding chapter. I am grateful to Derek Beales for providing me with a transcription of this passage. I am again grateful to Derek Beales for telling me of this passage. Salieri directed, and Joseph II attended incognito. Kelly, Salvesi ed altri virtuosi, con universale gradimento del numeroso popolo, che vi concorse in quel giorno. Not only did the members of the company sing for the Italian congregation, but a number also showed off their compositional talents.

Ferrarese is otherwise unattested as a composer, and her work seems not to survive. Domenico Mombelli was active in composition, but his wife, Luisa Laschi, the first Countess in Figaro and Zerlina in the Viennese Don Giovanni, was not previously known to have written music.

The couple were married in late ,79 and Mombelli married again in , apparently as a widower, so the possible dates of composition are similar to those for the Ferrarese motet. Julius to the congregation in ,81 and may have contributed more. One aria by Cornetti appears in the pasticcio Il convinto di Baldassare, premiered at the Burgtheater in February ; a string quartet arrangement copied the same year survives in A-Wn, Mus. As it happens, the feast of the seven sorrows of the Virgin was one of the rituals performed by the Italian congregation, and it was celebrated in September, a few days after the date given on the parts.

Nevertheless, the possibility cannot be excluded that this is a genuine motet written by Salieri for the Italian congregation in A number of works from 82 D-Po, Salieri 2. Soprano part for the offertory Mater Jesu attributed to Salieri. D-Po, Salieri 1. Johann Joseph Strobach was director of the orchestra at the National Theatre in Prague and simultaneously regens chori at St. He was thus closely involved with the productions of Figaro and Don Giovanni in that city.

Nicholas celebrated its patronal festival with an unidentified mass by Mozart: Den 6ten, als am St. Niklasfeste wurde in der kleinseitner Niklaskirche eine von dem hier so beliebten Tonsetzer, Herrn Mozart, verfertigter musikalische Messe gegeben, und alles gestand, dass er auch in dieser besonderen Komposizionsart ganz Meister sey. Nicholas] and his masses had been performed in the church long before his first visit to Prague. From the hospital at Kuks, for example, are early sets of parts for K.

Nicholas, although they have a surprisingly complex history for such modest pieces. Nicholas, Emmanuel Stiepanowsky. The songs did not appear in the first edition of the hymnbook from , and despite an extensive search Ballin could not locate copies of the second, third, or fourth editions. The autograph appears to have remnants of blue felt around its edges, suggesting it was once mounted. The present owner of the manuscript is unknown. Present location unknown. If the account in the preface is accurate, the composition of K.

Her education would have been rudely interrupted in girlhood, but a reversal of her family's fortunes might have strengthened her fantasy and imagination. Schubert's ability to relate music to words might well have been a Vietz legacy; there is no evidence of this poetic talent in his father whose personality seems to have been prosaic, if always dutiful. Unfortunately we know next to nothing about the composer's relationship to his mother, or the stories that she might have told him in his boyhood. Even more fascinating might have been the 'Songs my mother taught me' in the old country, and which might well have been the first melodies heard by Franz Schubert; certainly an eastern European colour comes easily to his music when he chooses to summon it.

I doubt whether the solid lower middle class schoolmaster Schubert, who ruled over a little world where everyone knew their place, would have allowed his wife to forget her family's disgrace. The grandfather who went to the bad must have been a family parable in the Schubert household—the sort of thing brought out from time to time by the schoolmaster in private of course, for the neighbours were not to hear to taunt his wife with the lapses of their sons—'That's your side of the family', whatever 'that' may have been—perhaps the anti-church feelings of the eldest son Ignaz born in , only seven weeks after the marriage , or young Franz's difficulties in accepting his father's authority.

This was an age which did not understand the concept of DNA, but which was very aware of 'bad blood'. Whatever the state of grandfather Vietz's blood, he was an inventive master craftsman, and probably the most gifted of the composer's immediate forbears. Franz Schubert was born on 31 January , in the twelfth year of the marriage, and a year after his father had moved from Liechtental to the schoolhouse in the Himmelpfortgrund—the site of the present Schubert Museum in the Nussdorferstrasse in Vienna's ninth district.

The school in reality nothing more than the Schuberts' living quarters daily adapted to classroom use was in rather a rough district, with few pupils. Franz Theodor had to take in poor students for nothing in order to build up his reputation as a teacher. The visitor of today marvels at the small amount of space for a family let alone a school of a large number of children, some of them ill and dying, and some of them orphans taken in from dead relatives.

For a full list of the Schubert children, and the many who died in infancy, see the essay 'Death and the Composer', Volume In these cramped conditions young Franz grew up. On his fourth birthday 31 January, a levy was paid by the school for the defence against the advancing Napoleon; the uncertain atmosphere of imminent war and occupation, together with an attendant shortage of food, must certainly been the background of Schubert's early years.

From the family had slightly more spacious accommodation and from the age of six Franz attended his father's school where he received an adequate, if hardly distinguished, education. According to the memoirs of Schubert's father, Franz took his first singing lessons from Michael Holzer, the choirmaster at the Liechtental parish Church. A signed letter from Antonio Salieri has come to light in the last five years which reveals that 'Francesco Schubert, mezzo soprano' as Salieri has it had auditioned as early as for a place as a singer in the Court Chapel.

The distinguished Schubert scholar Ernst Hilmar believes that Franz Theodor had been in touch with Salieri personally about his seven-year-old son. This is a fascinating new piece of information because so little is known about the composer's childhood; it proves that Schubert showed musical promise at an early age, and that he must already have been a competent reader and accomplished singer. The audition over which Salieri presided seems to have been something of a preliminary examination to keep track of talent for the future.

The competition proper for a choral scholarship, in which Schubert was one of three successful candidates, took place four years later in This is fully described in Deutsch's Documentary Biography. The eleven-year-old Schubert became a member of the famous institution known today as the Vienna Boys' Choir—the establishment which was charged with the providing of religious music in the Imperial Household, and which still sings Mass on Sundays in the Hofburg. Scholarships to this Imperial and Royal Seminary, or the Konvikt as it was known, provided a good education for boys from a healthy mix of backgrounds in return for their vocal services.

Such a scholarship would have greatly eased the financial burdens in the Schubert household, which perhaps explains the father's efforts to be in touch with Salieri. Early choral training has changed the life of many an aspiring musician. William Walton, also the son of a teacher, was awarded, also at the age of ten, a choral scholarship to Christ Church, Oxford. From then on he found himself in another world of friends and contacts: he was never really at one with his North of England background again. Through these brothers, or their friends, both composers met almost everyone else who was to matter in their creative lives.

One cannot imagine what direction either composer's career would have taken without this move to another environment at an early age. What would have happened had Schubert not been able to study with Antonio Salieri, had he not had the opportunity to learn about an orchestra at first hand, had he not had the admiring and encouraging ears of young fellow-pupils who were the first to acknowledge his song-writing genius, and had he not laid, in these years, the foundations of a network of friends which was to sustain him throughout his life?

The year was notable for the re-entry of Napoleon into Vienna in early May, and the death of Josef Haydn on 31st. At the end of Schubert's first year at the Konvikt in October, the report marks him out as a 'special musical talent', commending his singing and piano and violin playing as 'very good'. The non-musical studies, Latin and mathematics in particular, remained his Achilles' heel.

By September , Schubert was being singled out for special praise for application to his musical studies by the Lord High Stewart's Office. The piano teacher Wenzel Ruzicka was reputed to have remarked of him 'This one's learned it from God'. The Deutsch catalogue begins to chronicle Schubert's compositions from as early as a Fantasie in G for piano duet, D1. By the standards of Mozart and Benjamin Britten, Schubert was hardly an early beginner, but it is possible that earlier works from the pre-Konvikt days have been lost.

The composition of string quartets was to remain the most substantial achievement of these years. Schubert's first visits to the opera house to hear works by Weigl in , and in the following season works by Mozart, Cherubini, Boieldieu and Isouard see essay 'Schubert and the Theatre' in Volume 9 proved to be a turning point. It seems that it was the sound of actual singers' voices which inspired the composer to turn his attentions more strongly to vocal music.

His first opera Der Spiegelritter , D11 of which only the first act was completed dates from this time. In May Schubert's mother died at the age of fifty-five from Nervenfieber—'nerve fever' was a general term covering a number of illnesses, but in this case it probably meant typhoid. A few weeks later the young composer embarked on a course of counterpoint lessons with Antonio Salieri. This was a sign that the teachers at the Konvikt had decided that Schubert was talented enough to study with the boss. He visited the old maestro twice a week and worked on setting Italian texts in various ways.

In July his voice broke: he wrote at the end of an alto part of a Mass in C major by Peter Winter 'Schubert, Franz, crowed for the last time, 26th July The first extant letter from Schubert was sent to one of his elder brothers probably Ferdinand who was acknowledged as head of the family after the father asking for money to buy extra food to make life at the Konvikt more bearable.

It is significant that Schubert did not dare ask his father for more money, but his letter to his brother is lively and inventive—it liberally quotes the scriptures in support of his plea for charity lines from St Paul to the Romans, and St Luke's Gospel and merrily ascribes them to the Apostle Matthew. Over the Christmas holidays of this year, for the amusement of his chums, he re-fashioned, indeed re-composed, Die Advokaten , a comic trio on the subject of wrangling for money by a composer called Fischer.

The papers from the year published in the Documentary Biography of Deutsch are mainly bureaucratical exchanges between officials establishing that Schubert was to be permitted to stay on at the Konvikt after his voice broke. There were various scholarships for students who had distinguished themselves during their student years as boy sopranos, and Schubert was judged a worthy recipient of such an award. During the academic year, however, he slipped into the second grade in mathematics.

This came to the attention of the Emperor Franz himself who signed a resolution warning that 'singing and music are but a subsidiary matter, while good morals and diligence in study are of prime importance. We are not absolutely certain why, although it seems to have flustered and surprised the authorities. It is likely that the composer's father had decided that it was time for the sixteen-year-old boy to think of a proper career as a schoolteacher; the longer young Franz remained outside his father's establishment, the longer Franz Theodor had to pay good money to employ someone outside the family.

Accordingly, Schubert was enrolled as a pupil at the Normal High School of St Anna, a type of teachers' training college. How enthusiastic he was at this stage about the life envisaged for him by his father, we do not know. He was perhaps relieved to get away from a tense atmosphere at the Konvikt, where he was in fact on probation to improve his grades in subjects uncongenial to him. Throughout his life, gentle and unassuming as he was in some ways, Schubert became defiant and non-cooperative when he felt even the suggestion of the bullying hand of authority.

His ambivalent attitude to religion and the authority of the church begins in this period with the report on his first year at the teaching college where subjects such as spelling, reading and calligraphy are marked as 'good', and religion is the only subject which is unequivocally 'bad'. And yet we are also told that at this time Schubert wrote an ode, in the style of Klopstock, praising God's omnipotence. This has not survived; what has come down to us is a contemplative poem on the subject of 'Time' and the transitory nature of life.

In Auf dem Wasser zu singen Volume 11 and An Schwager Kronos Schubert was to find, and set unforgettably to music, greater poems than his own on this topic. He continued his lessons with Salieri and, apart from the trios and canons written as exercises for his teacher, compositions from the year included the First Symphony in D major D82 , a great deal of church music, orchestral minuets and German dances and a number of songs, including the first setting of Schiller's Thekla , D73—an arresting experiment in recitative Volume 1 —and the first version of the monumental ballad Der Taucher , D77 with a text by the same poet Volume 2.

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Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition) Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition)
Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition) Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition)
Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition) Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition)
Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition) Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition)
Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition) Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition)
Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition) Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition)
Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition) Wir sind die Neudorfer Band 3 (German Edition)

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