The Mafia Primer

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The greatest activity has been with China, which has held talks on major projects since Sinopec signed the contract for the Yadavaran field in But proceeding to actual development has been slow, even for Yadavaran. The Chinese companies reduced their activities after new U. It remains to be seen whether these projects will be reactivated in the near term. Capacity has more than doubled since the early s, and considerable work has been done to upgrade the refineries.

Until recently, Iran primarily refined low-value fuel oil. NIORDC plans to build five more refineries and three condensate splitters — with the rise in gas production, condensates have become an important source of liquids output. After sanctions, Iranian officials hope that foreign companies invest in some of this capacity.

European and Japanese companies have shown some interest in both investment and construction in the sector. Iran has the second largest gas reserves in the world after the Russian Federation. For two decades, its production growth has increased by an average of 10 percent, yet Iran has only depleted five percent of its gas reserves. Demand has surged because of economic and population growth. Natural gas has also been liquified and used as a substitute for gasoline and other transport fuels. As Iran's oil sector has become more mature, the government has had to use more gas for reinjection into maturing oil fields in order to maintain oil production.

Iran must continue to develop its reserves at a rapid rate to meet this demand. Qatar has sped ahead with development of its field, but Iran has lagged way behind. Tehran has made some progress in developing several phases of the South Pars gas field in recent years. But achieving full potential of this giant field plus other fields will be a challenge over the near term because of technical and financial constraints.

Developing its natural gas sector also requires a heavy commitment to building the necessary infrastructure. It has built an impressive pipeline network to transport this gas, but growing demand has increased the need to expand domestic pipelines.

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Since it can barely meet domestic demand, Iran has not been able to deliver on its ambitious gas export program beyond the current pipeline exports to Turkey. Due to sanctions, Iran has not developed the necessary infrastructure to export liquefied natural gas.

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Regional pipeline projects to Oman and the United Arab Emirates have stalled over pricing disputes. And security concerns have delayed a plan to build a gas pipeline to Iraq. For its own needs, Iran will continue to rely on gas imports, mainly from Turkmenistan — which are getting more expensive because of competition for this gas from China.

The Ministry of Petroleum, which has control over the National Iranian Oil Company, reports to the president with oversight from the parliament.

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The position of NIOC managing director was only established in as a separate post. But in reality, as a vestige of the past, the two institutions still share personnel and offices. In , the ministry submitted a bill to parliament proposing that NIOC manage all four companies.

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Ahmadinejad initially failed to assume control over the sector after his election in Parliament rejected his first few choices for oil minister. In his second term, he was become more successful in prying control away from the oil mafia, especially after parliament approved Massoud Mir-Kazemi.

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Khatam ul-Anbia, the IRGC construction arm, strengthened its role throughout the Iranian economy, including the oil and gas sector. In , it won a contract to develop South Pars Phases In , it took over the Sadra Yard, a firm that has built many platforms in the Persian Gulf and the recently completed Alborz semi-submersible rig which will drill in the Caspian Sea.

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In late , the PCC broke a longstanding truce with the Red Command, setting off months of bloody prison riots that led to hundreds of deaths. Authorities linked the violence to clashes between the two groups over control of lucrative drug trafficking routes running through the remote northern Amazon region of Brazil. In , the PCC appeared to move into expansion mode. The group was linked to international drug shipments traveling through Uruguay , kidnappings and robberies in Bolivia , and attempts to recruit dissident members of the demobilizing Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia — FARC.

The PCC was also blamed for a spate of murders reportedly linked to conflict over the drug trade in Paraguay. The fallout from the breakdown of the PCC-Red Command truce continued to generate violence in early , with the PCC seemingly undeterred in its ongoing campaign of domestic and international expansion.

The PCC organizes itself with strong independent local leadership working through a franchise system instead of being dependant on a vertical hierarchy. However, dues are collected from members of the organization and are used to pay lawyers , buy off prison guards and police, and to purchase drugs and weapons.

The PCC lost several top leaders in late and early In recent years, the PCC has expanded its activities internationally, developing operations in nearly every country in South America in addition to establishing ties with European crime groups.

The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer
The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer
The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer
The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer
The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer
The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer
The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer
The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer
The Mafia Primer The Mafia Primer

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