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This will allow for the continuation of their livelihoods. Compulsory acquisition of land for resettlement needs to be considered carefully and based on principles of good governance. Well-managed resettlement with secure land tenure rights can facilitate recovery and a return to previous livelihoods. Recognition of property rights for people who have been resettled can help to reduce land disputes Barnes and Riverstone ; Cosgrave Documentation and recognition of the rights to land allocated during the resettlement, along with a consultative process for deciding on claims to land after the disaster, allow for people to protect their previous land and livelihoods against claims by others.

It may also be necessary to protect property rights at the land of origin so that displaced people do not feel obliged to return to their land, in order to protect it from others when it may not be safe to do so. As order begins to be restored, attention turns from immediate relief to preparing for recovery. Consideration of longer-term issues identified in the rapid assessment can lay the foundations for a sustainable recovery and rehabilitation, and building back better ISDR, This is consistent with trends away from a purely emergency response to a more comprehensive DRM approach that leads to an improvement on the pre-disaster conditions.

Land ownership disputes and claims over land must be resolved — that is, legally adjudicated — prior to reconstruction. If this does not occur, the potential for land disputes is high and the wealthy or influential will have the opportunity to take land from the more vulnerable. In one example, displaced people were provided with temporary shelter after the tsunami in Sri Lanka and then evicted as soon as the shelters were completed Lee, There are two aspects to adjudication — determining the validity of claims to land, and establishing the location of land boundaries.

A compromise needs to be made between a rapid determination of rights to land to allow for fast reconstruction, and the need for transparent decisions on land rights that include appropriate community participation. It is very important to respect traditional cultural norms concerning land, and existing institutions that are used for making decisions about land disputes. The aim of restitution should be to provide tenure security that is at least at the level of the situation before the disaster.

However, in many countries land records have not been kept up to date and provide little assistance in the adjudication process. Typically there are a large numbers of parcels affected by a natural disaster and the process of adjudication may take a long time. Limited capacity in the public sector may delay the recovery and reconstruction efforts Williams Most developing countries at greatest risk of natural disasters have limited institutional capacity to process the large number of claims for restitution in a timely manner.

Decisions about land tenure rights after a disaster are also complicated by any damage to official land records and land offices, the deaths of land office staff, the loss of evidence of property by landowners, and the destruction of boundary markers and surveying infrastructure Fitzpatrick ; Cosgrave ; Deutsch ; Barnes and Riverstone In addition, when family members also die in the disaster, it may be difficult for the surviving members to prove their inheritance Fitzpatrick ; Deutsch Where the remains of the body are not found this may be even more difficult.

Where public records are out of date, lost or damaged, other forms of evidence and verification from village elders and neighbours are needed. In other words, prior rights now need to be defended against new claims. Land tenure arrangements frequently involve several claims to land including those of registered owners, squatters, lessees, sharecroppers, or farm labourers. Where customary land rights exist these are often widely accepted within the group and may include rights to a building, or to a fixed parcel of arable land, or to an area of shared arable land, or rights to harvest from trees in certain seasons.

Recognition of customary rights is very complex as there are likely to be many layers of rights to land and natural resources, and some of these may overlap geographically or temporally. When decisions are made on rights to land without a full understanding of all the claims to land, rights are concentrated in the name of the primary landholder and secondary rights may be extinguished. Claims to different tenure types require different forms of evidence to validate the claim.

Palmer et al list three different aspects of the legitimacy of a claim of land rights. These include:. Rights that are legally legitimate, such as individual, or group tenure, or use rights recognized by law. Claims to land lacking legal or social legitimacy.

Natural Disasters, Conflict, and Human Rights: Tracing the Connections

These may include commercial developers who expect to profit by developing in protected areas, or people with influence who illegally appropriate public land for their own purposes. In the absence of evidence, such claims cannot be supported during adjudication. Rights that are considered legitimate through broad social acceptance but without legal recognition.

These may include customary rights on state land, informal settlements, or squatters who have not gained possessory rights. This category of claims is the most difficult to adjudicate, and may be within a continuum that ranges from those with long-established rights and strong evidence of a claim, to rights that were more recently established with limited evidence. In some cases it may not be possible to arrange restitution for these groups, and compensation may not be possible.

However, the overarching principle is their right to restitution, and alternative arrangements should be found that are at least equivalent and provide access to previous livelihoods. Literature on previous disasters makes reference to threats to legal and human rights that include discrimination and inadequate compensation, which are more likely to affect the most vulnerable.

In many developing countries at risk of recurrent natural disasters, there is a strong tradition of land ownership being recorded in the name of the husband Cosgrave, After a disaster, surviving family members may have difficulty claiming their inheritance.

For example in Tonga in , women whose houses were undamaged after a natural disaster were required to give up their houses to a male relative whose house was damaged World Bank, The immediate post-disaster context provides an opportunity for developing risk-reduction measures — such as mitigation and preparedness — as part of a DRM process. However, Cosgrave argues that a single disaster response cannot undo decades of underdevelopment.

Risk-reduction measures need to draw on lessons from the disaster when developing mitigation projects. For example, problems with land tenure or access to land highlighted in post-disaster assessments may lead to conflict over land or land grabbing if they are not resolved. The discussion in this section identifies two areas where these lessons may be implemented as part of a preparedness and mitigation process — improvement of land policies and physical planning. Decisions on where people live land use planning , and recognition of their property rights in the land policy and legal frameworks, will help mitigate against further loss of land and livelihoods in future natural disasters.

Following a natural disaster it is difficult to improve tenure security quickly in a manner that is sustainable. There may be some mechanisms that are easy to implement in the short-term that result in some improvements for groups who have socially legitimate but not legally-recognized tenure. These include issuing decrees recognising the rights of groups, entering into legal leasehold arrangements for people where these do not exist, or official recognition of customary lands and landholders.

However, more significant improvements to land tenure security are difficult to achieve in a disaster recovery and reconstruction context. Each land parcel and land tenure type may require different approaches to improve tenure security. In some circumstances a long-term commitment to formal land titling programmes may be warranted. If the decision is made to issue land titles it needs to be systematic and within the context of a comprehensive land policy and legal framework.

The policy environment is an important factor in the effectiveness of a recovery. In order to develop effective disaster recovery and reconstruction policies it is important for emergency agencies and NGOs to engage fully with the government and local communities, to test their approaches to emergency response. A land policy framework developed in a consultative manner forms the basis for the legal framework that guides decisions on resettlement, restitution and conflict over land.

This is likely to be more important in mitigating against future disasters and supporting a long-term and sustainable improvement to tenure security, than ad hoc interventions on land tenure security. An important factor is state recognition of land rights and a sound land policy framework supported by a comprehensive legal framework, developed in consultation with the community. Land policy should include provisions for legal and social recognition of land rights and allow for improved tenure security for communal lands.

In rural areas, land policies should provide sufficient flexibility to accommodate traditional migration of farmers between seasons. Implementation of the policy framework is dependant on sufficient capacity in public agencies. The second and third goals of the Hyogo Framework for Action ISDR, call for the development and strengthening of institutions, mechanisms and capacities, and the systematic incorporation of risk reduction approaches into emergency, response and recovery programmes. Decisions made in consultation with government, local institutions, individuals and networks will be more effective and result in greater community satisfaction Leitmann, Local people know the major land issues in their area and what their priorities are.

This is particularly important for decisions about land tenure, as there are often very complex pre-disaster mitigation measures and land use arrangements that need to be considered. In many cases, local land institutions will lack the capacity to process decisions about land tenure quickly, for the potentially thousands of people displaced by a natural disaster. In most developing countries the land administration system is in poor condition and only covers urban areas. There may be no land records concerning rural lands, and even if land records do exist, many people may live far away from land offices, making recording of land transactions impractical.

Improving the capacity of land administration agencies will be important — especially in areas at risk of natural disasters. Cosgrave states that it has been common for governments to implement planning restrictions on land use and rebuilding after natural disasters, in order to reduce vulnerability.

After the tsunami, zones prohibiting housing construction along the coast were introduced in Indonesia, Sri Lanka and India. The Sri Lankan government, for example, wanted to establish a restricted area between and metres from the coastline that would have required the relocation of over houses and risked increasing tensions between resettled and existing communities Brown and Crawford, These restrictions were soon relaxed in Indonesia; however, in Sri Lanka the authorities were slower to relax restrictions.

In another example, planning restrictions introduced in India almost two years after the Gujarat earthquake provoked large demonstrations by property owners Nakagawa and Shaw, Quite often the affected population are expected to bear the economic cost of such regulations without compensation, and families may not wish to move given that they have made considerable investments in housing or agriculture Williams , Cosgrave The World Bank argues that while these restrictions may seem sensible initially, the costs need to be balanced against the risk that others may occupy the unsafe land once it is evacuated.

Wisner and Luce argue that quite often it is not the existence of households in vulnerable locations that is the root cause of vulnerability, but rather that individual persons and households within those regions lack the resources or influence to mobilize defences or recover their livelihoods and rebuild. They argue for a focus on the vulnerability of the people and not the systems. Settlement patterns are not arbitrary; the location of dwellings and agricultural plots are dictated by many social and economic factors Cosgrave, Also, displaced people commonly return to forbidden zones Pantellic and Srdanovic, ; evidence of this has occurred in 7 out of 30 World Bank funded projects in the last 30 years World Bank, The Hyogo Framework for Action lists land use planning as one of the key priorities.

It also suggests that disaster risk assessments should be incorporated into urban planning and management in disaster-prone human settlements. However, the above examples are based on decisions made during the recovery or reconstruction phases of a disaster, where quick decisions are made in difficult circumstances. The desire to reduce the vulnerability of people living in hazard-prone locations is understandable, but the decision-making process needs to acknowledge the complexity of the issues and the attachment people have to their land. Decisions on resettlement are more appropriately undertaken later during a mitigation or preparedness phase, in which a consultative and transparent process is undertaken.

Poor tenure security and a lack of recognition of access rights reduce the resilience of people to natural disasters; the poor are the most vulnerable in this situation. The most significant consequences are loss of land, shelter, and delays in resuming livelihoods. In a situation with several possible accidents, total risk is the sum of the risks for each different accident, provided that the outcomes are comparable:.

One of the first major uses of this concept was for the planning of the Delta Works in , a flood protection program in the Netherlands , with the aid of the mathematician David van Dantzig. In statistical decision theory, the risk function is defined as the expected value of a given loss function as a function of the decision rule used to make decisions in the face of uncertainty. People may rely on their fear and hesitation to keep them out of the most profoundly unknown circumstances. Fear is a response to perceived danger. Risk could be said to be the way we collectively measure and share this "true fear"—a fusion of rational doubt, irrational fear, and a set of unquantified biases from our own experience.

The field of behavioural finance focuses on human risk-aversion, asymmetric regret, and other ways that human financial behaviour varies from what analysts call "rational". Risk in that case is the degree of uncertainty associated with a return on an asset. Recognizing and respecting the irrational influences on human decision making may do much to reduce disasters caused by naive risk assessments that presume rationality but in fact merely fuse many shared biases.

According to one set of definitions, fear is a fleeting emotion ascribed to a particular object, while anxiety is a trait of fear this is referring to "trait anxiety", as distinct from how the term "anxiety" is generally used that lasts longer and is not attributed to a specific stimulus these particular definitions are not used by all authors cited on this page. Positive emotions, such as happiness, are believed to have more optimistic risk assessments and negative emotions, such as anger, have pessimistic risk assessments.

As an emotion with a negative valence, fear, and therefore anxiety, has long been associated with negative risk perceptions. Under the more recent appraisal tendency framework of Jennifer Lerner et al. Psychologists have demonstrated that increases in anxiety and increases in risk perception are related and people who are habituated to anxiety experience this awareness of risk more intensely than normal individuals. This is referred to as affect-as-information according to Clore, However, the accuracy of these risk perceptions when making choices is not known.

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Experimental studies show that brief surges in anxiety are correlated with surges in general risk perception. Joshua A. Hemmerich et al. This notion is supported by an experiment that engages physicians in a simulated perilous surgical procedure. It was demonstrated that a measurable amount of the participants' anxiety about patient outcomes was related to previous experimentally created regret and worry and ultimately caused the physicians to be led by their feelings over any information or guidelines provided during the mock surgery.

Additionally, their emotional levels, adjusted along with the simulated patient status, suggest that anxiety level and the respective decision made are correlated with the type of bad outcome that was experienced in the earlier part of the experiment. When experiencing anxiety, individuals draw from personal judgments referred to as pessimistic outcome appraisals. These emotions promote biases for risk avoidance and promote risk tolerance in decision-making.

It is common for people to dread some risks but not others: They tend to be very afraid of epidemic diseases, nuclear power plant failures, and plane accidents but are relatively unconcerned about some highly frequent and deadly events, such as traffic crashes, household accidents, and medical errors. One key distinction of dreadful risks seems to be their potential for catastrophic consequences, [52] threatening to kill a large number of people within a short period of time.

Different hypotheses have been proposed to explain why people fear dread risks. First, the psychometric paradigm [52] suggests that high lack of control, high catastrophic potential, and severe consequences account for the increased risk perception and anxiety associated with dread risks. Second, because people estimate the frequency of a risk by recalling instances of its occurrence from their social circle or the media, they may overvalue relatively rare but dramatic risks because of their overpresence and undervalue frequent, less dramatic risks.

Indeed, research found [58] that people's fear peaks for risks killing around people but does not increase if larger groups are killed. Fourth, fearing dread risks can be an ecologically rational strategy. Accordingly, people are more concerned about risks killing younger, and hence more fertile, groups. The relationship between higher levels of risk perception and "judgmental accuracy" in anxious individuals remains unclear Joseph I. Constans, There is a chance that "judgmental accuracy" is correlated with heightened anxiety.

Constans conducted a study to examine how worry propensity and current mood and trait anxiety might influence college student's estimation of their performance on an upcoming exam, and the study found that worry propensity predicted subjective risk bias errors in their risk assessments , even after variance attributable to current mood and trait anxiety had been removed. In his seminal work Risk, Uncertainty, and Profit , Frank Knight established the distinction between risk and uncertainty. Uncertainty must be taken in a sense radically distinct from the familiar notion of Risk, from which it has never been properly separated.

The term "risk," as loosely used in everyday speech and in economic discussion, really covers two things which, functionally at least, in their causal relations to the phenomena of economic organization, are categorically different. The essential fact is that "risk" means in some cases a quantity susceptible of measurement, while at other times it is something distinctly not of this character; and there are far-reaching and crucial differences in the bearings of the phenomenon depending on which of the two is really present and operating.

It will appear that a measurable uncertainty, or "risk" proper, as we shall use the term, is so far different from an unmeasurable one that it is not in effect an uncertainty at all. Thus, Knightian uncertainty is immeasurable, not possible to calculate, while in the Knightian sense risk is measurable.

Another distinction between risk and uncertainty is proposed by Douglas Hubbard: [62] [63]. In this sense, one may have uncertainty without risk but not risk without uncertainty. We can be uncertain about the winner of a contest, but unless we have some personal stake in it, we have no risk.

If we bet money on the outcome of the contest, then we have a risk. In both cases there are more than one outcome. The measure of uncertainty refers only to the probabilities assigned to outcomes, while the measure of risk requires both probabilities for outcomes and losses quantified for outcomes. The terms risk attitude , appetite , and tolerance are often used similarly to describe an organisation's or individual's attitude towards risk-taking.

One's attitude may be described as risk-averse , risk-neutral , or risk-seeking. There can still be deviations that are within a risk appetite. For example, recent research finds that insured individuals are significantly likely to divest from risky asset holdings in response to a decline in health, controlling for variables such as income, age, and out-of-pocket medical expenses.

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Gambling is a risk-increasing investment, wherein money on hand is risked for a possible large return, but with the possibility of losing it all. Purchasing a lottery ticket is a very risky investment with a high chance of no return and a small chance of a very high return. In contrast, putting money in a bank at a defined rate of interest is a risk-averse action that gives a guaranteed return of a small gain and precludes other investments with possibly higher gain. The possibility of getting no return on an investment is also known as the rate of ruin. Hubbard also argues that defining risk as the product of impact and probability presumes, unrealistically, that decision-makers are risk-neutral.

However, most decision-makers are not actually risk-neutral and would not consider these equivalent choices. This gave rise to prospect theory and cumulative prospect theory.

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Hubbard proposes to instead describe risk as a vector quantity that distinguishes the probability and magnitude of a risk. Risks are simply described as a set or function [ vague ] of possible payoffs gains or losses with their associated probabilities. This array is collapsed into a scalar value according to a decision-maker's risk tolerance. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Risk disambiguation. Main article: IT risk.

Main articles: Information assurance and Information security. Main article: Financial risk. Main article: Audit risk. Main articles: Decision theory and Prospect theory. Main articles: Risk assessment and Operational risk management. Main article: Risk aversion. Wilderness Risk Management. Retrieved 12 December Spring The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 9 May Oxford English Dictionary 3rd ed. Oxford University Press. September Subscription or UK public library membership required. The Quest for Ascendant Quality. J Epidemiol Community Health.

Retrieved 23 March Fundamentals of nursing. Louis, Mo: Mosby Elsevier. The Journal of Risk and Insurance. Lewis, J. Accounting, Organizations and Society. CRC Press. Extreme value methods with applications to finance.

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London: CRC. Hoboken: Wiley. Marijn van Daelen, Christoph van der Elst eds. World Scientific Publishing. Neuropsychologia Submitted manuscript. Selective potentiation of proximal processes: Neurobiological mechanisms for spread of activation. Medical Science Monitor, 10, — Hemisphere activation and the framing effect". Brain and Cognition. Journal of Hazardous Materials. The state of being protected against the criminal or unauthorized use of electronic data, or the measures taken to achieve this.

Department of 15 November Everyday Economics. Retrieved 17 March Biological Psychiatry. Maner, Norman B. Behaviour Research and Therapy. Maner, J. Lejuez, Thomas E. Joiner, Norman B. Schmidt, Dispositional anxiety and risk-avoidant decision-making, Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 42, Issue 4, March , pp. Hemmerich, Arthur S. Elstein, Margaret L. Bibcode : Sci Psychological Science. Psychol Rev. Bibcode : PLoSO Ethol Sociobiol. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin. Environmental social science. Ecological anthropology Ecological economics Environmental anthropology Environmental economics Environmental communication Environmental history Environmental politics Environmental psychology Environmental sociology Human ecology Human geography Political ecology Regional science.

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