I have always had a interest in Buddhism and was immediately attracted to this book when I heard about it. This story is an inspirational and fascinating account of the journey of Eric Swanson through Eastern Tibet with a Tibetan Lama and several other American followers. The trip was basically made for humanitarian reasons to bring medical aid and other supplies to schools and other groups in need in Tibet.
If you have ever had any interest in Buddhism or just dreamed of what it would be like to travel to Tibet this book is magical very informative and an easy read. I read it in one evening. It's much more than a travel log and written with the general reader in mind. Any age group would benefit and enjoy this book. The hardships and disenchantment that Eric and the others experienced on this journey seemed overwhelming at times. Traveling from a country that has so much to a country with so little makes you appreciate what you do have so much more.
Eric even begins to ask himself " Why am I a Buddhist" There is much questioning at times on his part but very positive results do occur for him in "Seeing the Light".
- One Little White Lie (Random Romance)?
- Gravedigger (Broken Gods Book 1);
- Le Dieu de Spinoza (French Edition);
- The Way Back;
- Parent topics.
- The Vinayapitakam and Early Buddhist Monasticism!
We learn that Tibetan masters often refer to the individual self as a "Stream of Being" meaning that an enormous variety of conditions contribute to our life each and every moment we exist. How true! I think this sums up the true meaning of life itself. A very thought provoking intelligent and interesting book. I certainly learned a great deal from Eric's reliving his spiritual journey for us.
It was easy to visualize interpret and compare his feelings with my own beliefs. The search for Spiritual solace can be complicated and a long process but certainly worth the effort. Highly Recommended! Hardcover First Edition Thus so stated. First Edition Thus so stated. The Book shows the former owner's not unattractive rubber-stamped logo and name at the front free endpaper; light wear to the extremities; slight spine lean; mild rubbing; faint soiling; the binding is of the usual less than perfectly secure quality of these Indian productions but is a sewn binding and is holding together quite securely; the text is clean.
The DJ mild rubbing; moderate wear to the extremities with small loss to chips at the corner tips and head and heel of the backstrip and a half-inch chip at the top of the rear panel; some faint soiling to the white backgroud field of the rear panel; the price is intact; mylar-protected. Shows moderate wear but remains about as structurally sound as you will find in these Motital Banarsidass productions and remains tightly bound.
A clean sturdy presentable copy in a like DJ. Translated from the German by V.
A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms
Introduction by Dr. Leo Gabriel. Hardback with DJ. Frauwallner studied classical philology and Sanskrit philology in Vienna. He taught Indology from at the University of Vienna. His primary interest was Buddhist logic and epistemology and later Indian Brahmanic philosophy with close attention to primary source texts. In Frauwallner joined the Department of Indian and Iranian philosophy at the Oriental Institute after its Jewish director Bernhard Geiger was forced out; Frauwallner became director in He was called up for military service in but did not serve continuing to teach until when he lost his position due to his Nazi Party membership dating to In after a review he was reinstated.
In the Institute for Indology founded which he chaired becoming a full professor in Donald S. Lopez Jr. Quotations poems and prayers from the great masters of Tibetan Buddhism. For anyone interested in Tibetan Buddhism this volume is a perfect companion for meditation and contemplation. First Edition. Hard Cover. In German. Their Origin and Value. A very good copy in orig. Domenach et G. Lausanne: ca. Marelibri's blog - Marelibri on your website - Credits - Free software - Information - Contact webmaster.
A problem with this page? There i s a strong relationship between gahapatls and merchants throughout the cave excavations. Those few times where a donor has been designated only as a gahapati have therefore been included i n the division of commercial and landed donors. Two donations from Kuda are by members of the Sangha, by nuns. The terminology here used i s pavayitlka. Luders no. Pali pabba. Four of these epigraphs are fragmentary. Only one inscription i n Group six states the place of origin of the donor. This i s a donation by an iron merchant, Luders no.
Kuda must have been a place of pilgrimage for this iron merchant, who must have had some resources to have made a donation at this coastal s i t e , particularly when the cave excavations of Karadh lay outside his home town. The donations to Group five of the cave excavations, Karle and i t s associated sites, are composed, in the great majority, of simple g i f t s to the Buddhist religious institution.
Donations of endowments, a l l at Karle, account f o r a mere 8. Donations of g i f t s then account for Six donations or Three of the donors are feudatory lords, Maharathls. Nahapana himself i s never recorded i n the inscriptions as having made a donation to the Buddhist religious institutions. Usavadata never directly states that he i s even i n the service of Nahapana, only that he i s married to Dakhamita, daughter of Nahapana. While this information i s enough to indicate the social position of Usavadata and to therefore Include him in the f i r s t grouping of donors, 63 i t would seen l i k e l y that Usavadata would have been the o f f i c e r to Nahapana i n his most southern conquests, the region of the cave excavations.
One donation at Karle, Luders no. However, the i n i t i a l portion of the inscription where the name of the king would have been placed i s fragmentary. This epigraph i s very similar i n form to three Satavahana records from Nasik, one by Pulumavi and two by Gautamlputra.
The internal evidence of the inscription i s , however, not strong enough to make a f i n a l decision. Included among these donors are merchants such as a perfumer, gamdhlka. Sanskrit vardhakl. One donor, Luders no. Sanskrit grhastha. This usage i s perhaps significantly different from the use of gahapati.
The word here used i s kuduklya. Sanskrit kutumbln. This designation occurs once more i n an inscription at Nasik, Luders no. The householder from Selarvadi i s also called a halakiya. One donation i s by a thera. Sanskrit sthavlra. Thera i n i t s s t r i c t sectarian meaning refers to the f i r s t great division of Buddhism, i n opposition to the Mahasanphika. Two donations are by one Satimita from coastal Sopara who designates himself as a preacher, bhanaka. Sanskrit Dharmottariyas. Bhanaka refers to a person skilled i n the recitation of certain sections of the Buddhist scriptures who i s l i k e l y a particularly s k i l l e d monk.
The mention of particular schools of Hinayana Buddhism, such as the Dharmottariyas. It i s useful i n determining the spatial distribution of these schools i n ancient India. The schools themselves, however, do not appear to have made a substantial difference i n either the nature of the donations or the composition of the donors at the sites here considered. This large percentage i s accounted for by a type of donation and a group of donors particularly common to this group.
Four inscriptions from Bhaja do not identify donors and are simply labels identifying one of a series of votive stupas as being of some th e r a. An inscription on a similar stupa at Bedsa, Luders no. This series of small votive stupas with inscriptions mentioning only to whom the donation i s dedicated i s peculiar to Bhaja. Whether they were Indianized Greeks, Indian culture-Greeks, Indians who were also citizens of Greek towns or just foreigners from the West i s relatively unimportant for this study.
Presumably, Yavana was informative enough i n the contemporary s o c i e t y. It i s tempting to associate these Yavanas with this trade. In this connection, however, i t i s significant to note that no notice of Yavanas i s found at coastal Kanheri, i t i s found only at the three inland sites of Karle, Junnar and Nasik.
In any case, one would assume that such presumed foreigners as Yavanas. Dhenukakata i s given seventeen times i n Group five as the place of origin of the donor. Dhenukakata i s also found recorded i n the previously mentioned inscription from Pltalkhora and also at Kanheri. It has been identified as a coastal ci t y because of i t s large population of Yavanas.
Yet only one donor from Dhenukakata and no Yavanas are found at Kanheri. The identification by D. Kosambi of Dhenukakata with the village of Devagad near to Karle appears then to be plausible. Donors did, however, come from other towns and villages a i for example the preacher Satimita who journeyed from coastal Sopara, to the north of present day Bombay, Several places, l i k e l y villages, remain unidentified. The endowments, however, never comprise a majority of the inscriptions at any of the sites. Each s i t e contains a number of epigraphs which record both the donation of a g i f t and also an endowment.
This type of dual donation has hitherto not been found i n the: inscriptions, except for the single instance from Mahad. These dual donations must then be considered both with donations of g i f t s for the establishment of the Buddhist religious institution and perhaps more Importantly with the donation of endowments for the maintenance of the religious institution. These three sites, then, contain inscriptions which have the most detailed information on the maintenance of the religious institution and, by consequence of the nature of the inscriptions, the most specific information on the functioning and consequences of donations to the Buddhist religious institution i n the context of the contemporary society.
Of the thirty usable inscriptions i n Group three, Junnar, twenty-one or Seven inscriptions or Two inscriptions record both donations of g i f t s and endowments. Endowments then occur i n nine inscriptions or Only a single inscription at Junnar records a donation by a royal or administrative donor. This i s the donation of a g i f t by the royal minister of Nahapana, Luders no.
It should be noted that extensive Satavahana records are found at Nanaghat close to Junnar. These are not, however, donations to a Buddhist religious institution. The Satavahanas did not apparently have a direct donative interest i n the cave sites surrounding Junnar. Eight inscriptions or Four of these donations are by those who designate themselves solely as householders or as a relative of a householder.
Buhler would make itidonatlon by Virasenaka, a chief, pamugha. Sanskrit pramukha. Luders here takes nlgama i n i t s more usual sense as a settlement and translates i t as "a pious hamlet". Luders however makes the donation 68 by the nigama called Virasenaka which i s "headed by householders". Negama means one coming from a town or a market place, i e , a townsman or merchant. That nigama can also mean an association of merchants, perhaps indicates that the negamas here recorded were members of urban guilds, which might help i n distinguishing this designation from that of yanija previously mentioned.
The inscriptions do not, however, offer any internal evidence to make such a distinction. A negama i s not, for example, simultaneously identified as a sethi or a member of a seni. Negama must, however, be a merchant with a particular association with a town. One donation at Junnar, the g i f t of a cave and a cistern, Luders no. Sanskrit dhanya-. Pali dhanfia-.
The a c t i v i t i e s of such guilds are important i n considering donations of endowments; however donations by guilds themselves are rare. From Kalyan also i s a donor who identifies himself as a halranyaka. Sanskrit hiranyaka. This donor could be a treasurer of a guild or some other commercial organization o r hiranyaka could perhaps be a dealer i n gold as distinguished from a maker of gold, a goldsmith, hiranyakara.
Five of these donations are fragmentary, four of which are donations of endowments whose donors are lacking or perhaps, unusually, were not recorded. One donation, Luders no. Two Yavanas may perhaps have come from some unidentified Gata country. Perhaps the dhammanigama. Of the twenty-eight usable inscriptions found i n Group two, Nasik, twenty-five provide information as to the type of intended donation.
The intended donation i s thereafter missing as i s the name of the donor.
Zen (Sŏn) Buddhism and the Context of Belief
On the model of Luders no. Two inscriptions, Luders nos. Sixteen inscriptions, or Nine inscriptions, or Of these donations, of endowments, four inscriptions are of the dual nature, containing both donations of g i f t s and endowments. This epigraph again records the donation of the same cave, by the fisherman Mugudasa, previously recorded i n Luders no. This i s the highest percentage of such donors found at any of the site groups. Nasik was a site of particular importance for the contemporary reigning dynasties, as can be seen from the four donations of the Satavahanas and the five of the Ksharata Ksatrapas here recorded.
Two donations at Nasik are given by royal officers or their families, one, Luders no. Sanskrit mahamatra. Pali mahamatta. One donation:at Nasik, Luders no. The general was under the command of Yajnasrl Satakarni, The presence of such a donation by the 71 family of an important military personage would emphasize the importance of Nasik for the contemporary reigning dynasties. These donors include two merchants, negama. Two donors, who make three donations, identify themselves as writers or scribes, lekhaka.
It because here such a royal a f f i l i a t i o n i s not directly stated. One of the writers at Nasik, Vudhika, responsible for two donations, states that he i s the writer to a Saka. These writers or scribes, then were l i k e l y professionals who sold a service rather than a good. One donation was made by a fisherman, dasaka. Sanskrit dasaka. Dasaka could also have ferryman or mariner as secondary meanings. Three of these donations are fragmentary, two of which, however, may be of royal donors.
One donation, i n the time of the Abhira dynasty, Luders no. This i s the only example in the inscriptions where a village has made such a collective donation. One i s not certain though, whether such a collective donation was made by popular subscription or by administrative decision. The ancient town of Nasik would appear to be the most immediate place of origin of the donors. The Manama. Inscriptions which record endowments number fifteen or Fourteen of these donations of endowments are inscriptions of the dual nature, recording both g i f t s and endowments. The large number of such dual donations can in.
Such donations w i l l be examined when the close relationship of Kanheri with the ancient port of Kalyan i s considered. A l l three donations are made by female donors, only one, Luders no. This donor i s the wife of Vasisthlputra Satakarni and l i k e l y the daughter of Rudradaman.
The other royal donors include the wife of a Bho. A donation i s also made by a Maharathinl, Luders no. Twenty-three inscriptions at Kanheri or Eight of these donors designate themselves as negama. In any case, mercantile donations at Kanheri are the most numberous, both i n number and percentage terms, of any site here considered. Three donations are made by commercial donors not otherwise found among the inscriptions. One, Luders no. Sanskrit manlkara. Sanskrit sagarapraloka. If i s the g i f t of a blacksmith, kamara.
Sanskrit karmara. Six inscriptions or Five inscriptions or 1 3. Eleven donors at Kanheri record that they come from the nearby port of Kalyan.
The particularly close relationship of Kalyan with Kanheri i s emphasized by the recording of donations at Kanheri to a certain Ambalikavihara at Kalyan.? From this information recorded i n the inscriptions, i t becomes apparent that Kanheri was among the most important Buddhist religious institutions i n Western India i n i t s time. Not only could i t attract wealthy local donors, and donors from important, adjacent coastal towns, Kanheri could also attract inland donors and also become a place to record various donations to Buddhist religious institutions throughout Western India.
The percentage of royal and of mercantile donors at the sites here considered follow a consistent pattern regardless of the type of donation, g i f t or endowment. That i s , the percentage of royal 75 donors and of mercantile donors i s that same at each si t e , within broad limits, but with one site having a substantially larger percentage of one group of donors.
Kanheri was then, largely supported and maintained by commercial and landed donors with If Yavanas are also supposed to be merchants, then these percentages would increase, particularly i n the case of Karle, making the percentage of mercantile donors here 3k. In any case, i n the fiv e site, excepting Kanheri, the average percentage of mercantile donors i s at present The dominance of commercial and landed donors at Kanheri may be explained by the commercial ac t i v i t y of the region of the s i t e , particularly of Kalyan, at the time of Kanheri's establishment, after A.
The dominance of the Kanheri region i n this trade i s a factor of this region's position as the terminus of the local interior to coastal routes as detailed i n the previous chapter. It may be noted here that Kanheri also contains the most donations by members of the-Sangha. While Kanheri i s the site most supported by mercantile donors, for which particular causes can be suggested i f not confirmed, i t i s important to realize the consistently high percentage of donations made by commercial and landed donor at each site. Nasik was the site most supported by royal and administrative 76 donors, Nasik was particularly w i l l supported by members of the contemporary ruling dynasties.
Groups three to six have a low of 3. Only at Pitalkhora-Ajanta, with This perhaps i s deceiving, for at this group few inscriptions remain, this high percentage being caused by the generosity of the family of one royal physician at Pitalkhora. The relatively high number, among Groups three to six, of royal donations at Kuda can perhaps be explained by the geographical position of this site. None of the donors at Kuda and i t s associated sites belongs to one of the great contemporary dynasties, they are feudatories, Mahabhojas etc.
Kuda then was an isolated region, as i t i s even today, with numerous donations made by local merchants and feudatory lords. At each site, royal and administrative donors have some part i n the establishment and maintenance of the religious institution. The average percentage of donation by such donors being, excluding Nasik and Pitalkhora-Ajanta, The importance of Nasik for royal donors appears to be largely p o l i t i c a l as w i l l be seen i n an examination of endowments from that site. The Buddhist religious institutions, as seen from their inscriptions, were largely supported by f i r s t l y the mercantile sections of society and then by the ruling classes of the contemporary society.
The donations to certain sites are dominated by one or the other of these two groups of donors because of some particular circumstance of that site. Members of the Sangha had some part i n supporting a l l sites, but these donations have been considered apart because they appear to be representing other persons.
The large number of donations 77 where the donor i s stated by name only, where a t i t u l a r designation cannot be translated or where the inscription i s fragmentary at some part, must make a l l numbers and percentages of groups of donors necessarily tentative. The available evidence, however, well establishes the general nature of the types of donors, their donations and the composition of each at the Buddhist religious institutions here considered.
TABLE 2. Donations b y Sites Group I no. Kondane; , , Karle; Deshpande nos. A, D, Pltalkhora. Splro, Buddhism and Society New York, , p. A detailed l i s t of the types of donations by site group with the terminology used to describe the donation and a description of the donation i t s e l f w i l l be found in Appendix A. I7lhe numbers and types of donors with ther percentage within their respective site groups w i l l be found i n Table 3.
Mamdavi reconstructed by Luders. Buhler restores [ajmatya. Xuders records amatya. Kautilya discusses the appointment of ministers, amatya. Kangle, ed. Senart prefers Pulumavi and discusses this epigraph f u l l y , Epigraphia Indica 7, pp. Luders inclines towards Gautamiputra. The mention of the order of the king being Issued from "the victory camp" i n both the Karle inscription and Luders no.
Senart recognizes this possibility. Epigraphia Indica 7, pp. Halika may also be a personal name, Luders prefers this sense. I follow Senart and Luders that in the reading must be Nadlputa. These two inscriptions 81 are on the same p i l l a r and perhaps could be taken as the same donation, although also refers to the g i f t of r e l i c s , the appropriate hole being found on the p i l l a r. The Bhadrayaniyas and the Dharmottariyas apparently popularin Western India at this time, were divisions of the Vatslputrlya school noted f o r the much c r i t i c i z e d doctrine of the sel f , pudgala.
Cf, Bareau, Les Sectes. The Mahasanghlkas were the more li b e r a l schools of Hinayana Buddhism dating from the second council at V a i s a l i , for their doctrines see Bareau, op. The Gaitikas were a division of the Mahasanghlkas. Certain donors, particularly royal personages, had distinct preferences i n the schools which were the recipients of their donations. The Satavahana donation, Luders no.
This same village had previously been donated to the Sangha of the four quarters, catudlsa bhikhusarigha. Other donations to the Sangha of the four quarters includelLuders nos. It has been maintained that Yonaka indicates an origin from contemporary Hellenistic Greek, see W. Tarn believes that this usage, the single example from the inscriptions, i n addition to the donor stating that he comes from Damtamiti, ie , Demetrius, indicates a more direct Greek origin.
The single usage of the form Yonaka and the common usage of the Sanskritlc form Yavana i s in i t s e l f anomolous. See also A. Naraln, The Indo-Greeks Oxford. Buhler, Senart and Luders a l l translate this as, "of Dhamma, a Yavana," although Senart suggests that i t i s , "of a Yavana of the Law. It i s interesting to note the strong association of Western 82 India with such 'Greeks'. For example, in the Ceylonese tradition the mission sent to Apaxantaka by Moggaliputta Tissa i n the time of Asoka was a Yona Dhammarakkhita, see Mahavamsa. Also, Dipavamsa. For the identification of Aparantaka with the coastal regions of Western India see Luders no.
In addition, the coins of Nahapana have inscriptions i n Greek letters, on the obverse, transliterating the Prakrit Brahml and Karosthi inscriptions on the reverse, see H. This reading i s based on the re-reading of t to 1, two letters which could easily be confused i n Brahml. This suggested reading would also have the advantage of placing the name and occupation of the donor i n the genetive case in apposition, i e , Milimdasa ve.
Dehejia here also maintains that the royal physician Magila at Pitalkhora, "seems to have been a yavana. Kata means curve, i e , slope of a h i l l. Nlgama in the f i n a l position i n a compound could mean a guild of traders, 56others perhpas include Deshpande C, Pltalkhora; Vats no, 3, Karle, 57hiranyaka. Goliklya; , , Patibadhaka; II76, Nadaka. Luders makes i t a personal rather than a geographical name.
Buhler recognizes this possibility i n Kosambi, op. Kosambi then takes gata to mean 'departed, deceased', implying a posthumous g i f t. The consistent use of ghe genetive plural, although found to modify a genetive singular in such a way i n the inscriptions, would rather imply a country or a people. II38, , Luders leaves this word untranslated, D. Sircar, Indian Epigraphlcal Glossary Delhi, , p.
The addition of -pa- remains, however, unexplained. Whatever the exact meaning of this t i t u l a r designation, the donor and her family had considerable means to be able to make at least four substantial endowments at Nasik. This, however, i s not directly so stated. Geography in Ancient Indian Inscriptions upto A. Delhi, The location of Mandsaur, close to Rajasthan and Udaipur, would be appropriate as the writer from Dasapura i s i n the service of a Saka. Dasapura i s also mentioned in an inscription of Usavadatay Luders no.
Senart, Epigraphia Indica 8, p. Luders leaves this compound untranslated, such a designation apparently not being attested to i n other examples. Sanskrit bhrami. That there existed such a place of the Gandhara people i n Kalyan could possibly explain the ultimate origin of the 85 Yavanas recorded at other sites. Endowments to the Buddhist religious institutions were made to sustain the monastic l i f e associated with the institutions.
After the establishment of the institutions, means of support were instituted to provide those things thought necessary to sustain the population of monks resident in the caves, particularly during the canonical rainy season retreat. The Buddhist monkhood i s at f i r s t a collection of religious ascetics, bhlksus. As such, the day-to-day donations of the morning meal to a monk or the occasional g i f t of a monk's robe would go unrecorded i n inscriptions meant to record specific and memorable meritorious acts. These inscriptions which record endowments are the acts of the same sections of the lay population which established the religious institution, when information i s available as to the occupation or social position of the donors.
The establishment of such large religious institutions implies, i n the early centuries of Buddhism here under consideration, a more cenobitic form of Buddhist monasticism with at least some monks li k e l y resident i n the caves throughout the year. Endowments then represent a means of support developed by lay donors to sustain those institutions which they themselves had given permanence to through their donations of g i f t s. Two types of endowments to the Buddhist religious institutions are evident from the inscriptions, those of land and of money. These two types of endowments w i l l be examined as to the financial mechanisms, intended income and; particular purpose of the endowments as recorded i n the inscriptions.
The two types of endowments w i l l 8? The types of endowments, their donors and their spatial distribution w i l l then be considered i n relation to the known contemporary p o l i t i c a l and economic history of Western India. Endowments of land to the Buddhist religious institutions are recorded i n nineteen Inscriptions. Fourteen inscriptions record endowments of fiel d s whereas only f i v e inscriptions record endowments of v i l l a g e s.
The endowments of villages are found recorded only i n inscriptions at Nasik and Karle. Six inscriptions at Junnar record endowments of at least thirteen different f i e l d s. In a l l cases, these endowments are made by donors whose occupation and social position i s unknown. If67, describes the intended nature of the endowment, i n the manner of a simple g i f t , as a deyadhamma.
This i s the only example i n the inscriptions where any type of endowment i s described i n this manner. The financial mechanisms of the endowments of fie l d s are hinted at 88 in the Junnar inscriptions. In two cases, the income of the f i e l d endowed i s invested with the gana, i e , school, company, of the Apara. In no cases at Junnar i s the purpose of the endowments of f i e l d s extant i n the inscriptions. At Kanheri, three endowments of fie l d s are made, a l l by merchants i n two cases from Kalyan and i n one case from Sopara. Sanskrit aksayanivi.
This term, most commonly used to describe endowments of money i s employed only three times in the inscriptions to describe endowments of land to the religious institutions. Both donations were made to provide robes clvarika for the monks resident i n the caves where the inscriptions were inscribed. The amounts designated for robes are twelve karsapanas kahapana of the inscriptions i n Luders no. The karsapana. T h i s money was to be distributed, "in the season" as recorded i n Luders no.
The purposes f o r which the endowments were intended, as recorded i n these two endowments of fi e l d s at Kanheri, are those which are found, with minor variations, throughout the inscriptions which record endowments. Most often provision i s made for robes and also for some small provision f o r monks, particularly for their rainy season retreat.
The keeping of this rainy season retreat i n a particular cave appears to have thus associated the monk with that cave and to have made him el i g i b l e f o r the provisions of the endow-ments found inscribed at the cave. Four endowments of fie l d s are recorded at Nasik. Three of these endowments are by members of contemporary ruling dynasties, two by Gautamiputra and one by Usavadata. The establishment of the cave and the donation of any endowment for sustaining the inhabitants of the cave appears to have been a joint venture by these two lay persons.
The purpose of this endowment i s said to be for the provision of food mukhahara. In this endowment, presumably the product of the land endowed rather than the revenue from the f i e l d or the interest from the invested revenue of the f i e l d i s the actual income of the endowment. In addition to being a unique example i n the inscriptions where this i s so stated, the type of income from this endowment would tend to emphasize the increasingly cenobitic l i f e associated with the religious institutions 90 here considered.
While the paying of monks a monthly stipend seen earlier may perhaps violate the letter of the Buddhist monastic rules, the supplying of presumably large quantities of food to the monks is certainly a significant departure from the Vinaya. The two remaining fi e l d s endowed upon the Buddhist religious institution at Nasik were donated by Gautamlputra.
One inscription, Luders no, , records that a f i e l d of two hundred nivartanas. Gautamlputra as the recent conqueror of Nasik and i t s environs and of Usavadata's brother-in-law Nahapana, must have thought i t judicious to endow an institution, receiving the support of important sections of the contemporary society as detailed i n the previous chapter, with a f i e l d which he specifically records as previously being in the possession of the family of his conquered r i v a l.
Six years after this endowment, in the year twenty-four, Gautamlputra records, i n Luders no. These immunities, Identical i n both cases, include: apavesa. Sanskrit apravesya. Sanskrit anavamarsya. Sanskrit alavanakhataka. Sanskrit arastrasamvinayaka. A l l these endowments of villages are made by royal donors. While an individual could endow the religious institution with a f i e l d or with money, the donation of entire villages was certainly the prerogative of members of the ruling dynasty or their officers.
Nalanda i n the seventh century A. Both endowments are from the time of Pulumavi. The inscription records that the Satavahanas renounced 92 a l l of their rights to the village savajatabhoganlrathl. These rights, taxes etc. This inscription would also tend to emphasize the p o l i t i c a l importance of Satavahana endowments at Nasik as seen previously i n Gautamiputra1s endowment of a f i e l d. It i s i n this inscription that Balasri describes her late son Gautamiputra i n a long series of adjectives unique i n the Inscriptions.
Among other praises, Gautamiputra i s described as having destroyed the Sakas. The other endowment of a village at Nasik, by Pulumavi i n the year twenty-two, Luders no. This endowment, described as being an akhayanivi. The reasons for this exchange of villages i n not stated, perhaps the village had become uninhabited as i s the case of the village i n which the donated f i e l d i s located, recorded i n Luders no.
This inscription implies the existence of a previous endowment which i s not so recorded by an extant inscription. The strong possibility then exists that other donations of g i f t s and endowments were made to the Buddhist religious institutions but, for whatever reasons, are not recorded by inscriptions. The new village here donated i s given the usual immunities. The purpose to which this endowment i s intended i s for the care of the cave patisamtharana.
At Karle, the endowment of a village by the Maharathi Somadeva in the year seven of Pulumavi, recorded i n Luders no. The village i s stated to be endowed together with i t s taxes and income. The technical terminology here employed for taxes i s kara and ukara. Sanskrit utkara. The exact s i g -nigicance of these terms i s uncertain, but i t appears the former two refer to taxes i n money while the latter two refer to taxes i n kind from the product of the village.
This same village, although spelled at Karajaka, i s recorded i n Luders no. This endowment, described as monk's land bhikhuhalaij '. These two endowments are similar in character to the endowment of a f i e l d previously i n the possession of Usavadata, as recorded at Nasik, Luders no. Here, however, the village i n question i s endowed upon the religious institution twice, whereas the f i e l d donated at Nasik i s stated by Gautamlputra as merely being In the possession of Usavadata.
The only difference between the two endowments of the village here recorded at Karle i s the recipient of the endowment; Gautamlputra dedicated the village to the Mahasanghlkas rather than to the monks of the four quarters. The donative a c t i v i t i e s of royal donors at Karle i s limited, these three endowments of villages being their only recorded donations.
Nevertheless, i t i s apparent that a situation similar to that of Nasik, well supported by royal donors, i s existant at Karle. Gautamlputra i s particular to legitimize an endowment of Usavadata and in addition to distinguish his re-endowment from that of Usavadata's original endowment.
At Karle then, i t would appear 94 that endowments to the religious institutions were again used by the Satavahanas to emphasize their reconquest of Western India. It i s significant that a l l the indications of the Satavahana-Ksatrapa conflict i n the inscriptions should be found i n endowments recorded at Nasik and Karle, located on the routes to the coast as they pass through the most strategic passes, close to two of the most important upland towns, Nasik and Dhenukakata.
A l l royal endowments, i n fact, as can be seen from Table Five at the end of the chapter, are to be found at these two sites. The p o l i t i c a l control of these areas along with the support of the important institutions i n these areas, that i s the religious institutions and their donors, appears from the inscriptions to have been essential for any dynasty's control of Western India at this time. The usual form of these inscriptions i s to designate the endowment as an akhayanivi. These seven endowments which are designated as 'other akhayanivi' i n Table Four, while l i k e l y endowments of money, are grouped separately as a subdivision of endowments of money because the nature of the endowment cannot be 95 ascertained with absolute certainty.
The amounts of the endowments of money are specified i n eight inscriptions. Usavadata endows a total of three thousand karsapanas at Nasik, recorded in Luders no. The generosity of Usavadata at Nasik would then also tend to emphasize the importance of this region and i t s important religious institution in the Satavahana-Ksatrapa conflict. The preceding dark portion and the following light portion together form a month; six months form a "march" hing, s.
The sun when it moves within the equator is said to be on its northward march; 6 when it moves without the equator it is on its southern march. The year, again, is divided into six seasons. From the 16th day of the 1st month till the 15th day of the 3d month is the season of gradual heat; from the 16th day of [S.
In the south they are reckoned as beginning a month later. From the 16th day of the 1st month till the 15th day of the 5th month is called the hot season ; from the 16th day of the 5th month till the 15th day of the 9th month is called the wet season ; from the 16th day of the 9th month to the 15th day of the 1st month is called the cold season. Again, there are four seasons, called spring, summer, autumn, winter. In old times in India the priestly fraternity, relying on the holy teaching of Buddha, had a double 11 resting-time during the rains , viz. The "double period" of rest during the rainy season was an early ordinance, found in the Vinaya.
It was so arranged that those who were prevented from arriving at the appointed time might begin their "rest" a month later. If, however, we suppose the symbol liang to be a mistake for yu, then the passage will run thus: "The priestley fraternity retired into fixed dwellings during the rainy season.
Julien's explanation, however, may be the correct one vid. Julien in loc. The towns and villages have inner gates; 13 the walls are wide and high ; the streets and lanes are tortuous, and the roads winding. The thoroughfares are dirty and [S. Butchers, fishers, dancers, executioners, and scavengers, and so on, have their abodes without the city. In coming and going these persons are bound to keep on the left side of the road till they arrive at their homes. Their houses are surrounded by low walls, and form the suburbs.
The earth being soft and muddy, the walls of the towns are mostly built of brick or tiles. The towers on the walls are constructed of wood or bamboo ; the houses have balconies and belvederes, which are made of wood, with a coating of lime or mortar, and covered with tiles. The different buildings have the same form as those in China : rushes, or dry branches, or tiles, or boards are used for covering them. The walls are covered with lime and mud, mixed with cow's dung for purity.
At different seasons they scatter flowers about. Such are some of their different customs. A three-storied tower 14 is erected at each of the four angles. The beams and the projecting heads are carved with great skill in different shapes. The doors, windows, and the low walls are painted profusely; the monks' cells are ornamental on the inside and plain on the outside.
There are various storeyed chambers and turrets of different height and shape, without any fixed rule. The doors open towards the east; the royal throne also faces the east. Julien translates as though it meant a double-storeyed room, or a pavilion with two storeys. The passage literally translated is : "Angle towers rise on the four sides ; there are or they are storeyed buildings of three stages. The hall I take to be the hall for religious worship. When they sit or rest they all use mats ; 17 the royal family and the great personages and assistant officers use mats variously ornamented, but in size they are the same.
It is covered with extremely fine drapery ; the footstool is adorned with gems. The nobility use beautifully painted arid enriched seats, according to their taste. Their clothing is not cut or fashioned ; they mostly affect fresh-white garments ; they esteem little those of mixed colour or ornamented. The men wind their garments round their middle, then gather them under the armpits, and let them fall down across the body, hanging to the right.
The robes of the women fall down to the ground ; they completely cover their shoulders. They wear a little knot of hair on their crowns, and let the rest of their hair fall loose. Some of the men cut off their moustaches, and have other odd customs. On their heads the people wear caps crowns , with flower-wreaths and jewelled necklets. Kiau-she-ye is the product of the wild silkworm. In North India, where the air is cold, they wear short [S. The dress and ornaments worn by non-believers are varied and mixed. The costume is not uniform, and the colour, whether red or white, not constant.
The cut of the three robes is not the same, but depends on the school. Some have wide or narrow borders, others have small or large flaps. The Sang-kio-ki covers the left shoulder and conceals the two armpits. It is worn open on the left and closed on the right. It is cut longer than the waist. The Ni-fo-se-na has neither girdle nor tassels.
When putting it on, it is plaited in folds and worn round the loins with a cord fastening. The schools differ as to the colour of this garment : both yellow and red are used. The first, viz. The king of the country and the great ministers wear garments and ornaments different in their character.
They use flowers for decorating their hair, with gem-decked caps ; they ornament themselves with bracelets and necklaces. There are rich merchants who deal exclusively 20 in gold trinkets, and so on. They mostly go bare-footed ; few wear sandals. They stain their teeth red or black ; they bind up their hair and pierce their ears ; they ornament 21 their noses, and have large eyes. Such is their appearance. They are very particular in their personal cleanliness, and allow no remissness in this particular.
All wash themselves before eating ; they never use that which has been left over from a former meal ; they do not pass the dishes. Wooden and stone vessels, when used, must be destroyed; vessels of gold, silver, copper, or iron after each meal must be rubbed and polished. After eating they cleanse their teeth with a willow stick, and wash their hands and mouth. Until these ablutions are finished they do not touch one another. Every time they perform the functions of nature they wash their bodies and use perfumes of sandal-wood or turmeric.
When the king washes 22 they strike the drums and sing hymns to the sound of musical instruments. Before offering their religious services and petitions, they wash and bathe themselves. They are forty-seven in number, and are combined so as to form words according to the object, and according to circumstances of time or place : there are other forms inflexions used. This alphabet has spread in different directions and formed diverse branches, according to circumstances ; therefore there have been slight modifications in the sounds of the words spoken language ; but in its great features there has been no change.
Middle India preserves the original character of the language in its integrity. Here the pronunciation is soft and able, and like the language of the Devas. The pronunciation of the words is clear and pure, and fit as a [S. The people of the frontiers have contracted several erroneous modes of pronunciation ; for according to the licentious habits of the people, so also will be the corrupt nature of their language.
With respect to the records of events, each province has its own official for preserving them in writing. In these records are mentioned good and evil events, with calamities and fortunate occurrences. To educate and encourage the young, they are first taught led to study the book of twelve chapters Siddhavastu. It is called Sih-ti-lo-su-to by I-tsing Nan hae, iv. This treatise explains and illustrates the agreement concordance of words, and it provides an index for derivatives. See below, Book iii. The first is called Shau longevity ; it relates to the preservation of life and the regulation of the natural condition.
The second is called Sse sacrifice ; it relates to the rules of sacrifice and prayer. The third is called Ping peace or regulation ; it relates to decorum, casting of lots, military affairs, and army regulations. The fourth is called Shu secret mysteries ; it relates to various branches of science, incantations, medicine.
The teachers of these works must themselves have closely studied the deep and secret principles they contain, and penetrated to their remotest meaning. They then explain their general sense, and guide their pupils in understanding the words which are difficult. They urge them on and skilfully conduct them. They add lustre to their poor knowledge, and stimulate the desponding. If they find that their pupils are satisfied with their acquirements, and so wish to escape to attend to their worldly duties, then they use means to keep them in their power.
When they have finished their education, and have attained thirty years of age, then their character is formed and their knowledge ripe. When they have secured an occupation they first of all thank their master for his attention. There are some, deeply versed in antiquity, who devote themselves to elegant studies, and live apart from the world, and retain the simplicity of their character. These rise above mundane presents, and are as insensible to renown as to the contempt of the world.
Their name having spread afar, the rulers appreciate them highly, but [S. The chief of the country honours them on account of their mental gifts, and the people exalt their fame and render them universal homage. This is the reason of their devoting themselves to their studies with ardour and resolution, without any sense of fatigue. They search for wisdom, relying on their own resources. Although they are possessed of large wealth, yet they will wander here and there to seek their subsistence.
There are others who, whilst attaching value to letters, will yet without shame consume their fortunes in wandering about for pleasure, neglecting their duties. They squander their substance in costly food and clothing. Having no virtuous principle, and no desire to study, they are brought to disgrace, and their infamy is widely circulated. The different schools are constantly at variance, and their contending utterances rise like the angry waves of the sea. The different sects have their separate masters, and in various directions aim at one end.
There are Eighteen schools, each claiming pre-eminence. The partisans of the Great and Little Vehicle are content to dwell apart. There are some who give themselves up to quiet contemplation, and devote themselves, whether walking or standing still or sitting down, to the acquirement of wisdom and insight ; others, on the contrary, differ from these in raising noisy contentions about their faith.
According to their fraternity, they are governed by distinctive rules and regulations, which we need not name. He who can entirely explain one class of these books is exempted from the control of [S. When a man's renown has reached to a high distinction, then at different times he convokes an assembly for discussion. He judges of the superior or inferior talent of those who take part in it ; he distinguishes their good or bad points ; he praises the clever and reproves the faulty ; if one of the assembly distinguishes himself by refined language, subtle investigation, deep penetration, and severe logic, then he is mounted on an elephant covered with precious ornaments, and conducted by a numerous suite to the gates of the convent.
If, on the contrary, one of the members breaks down in his argument, or uses poor and inelegant phrases, or if he violates a rule in logic and adapts his words accordingly, they proceed to disfigure his face with red and white, and cover his body with dirt and dust, and then carry him off to some deserted spot or leave him in a ditch.
Thus they distinguish between the meritorious and the worthless, between the wise and the foolish. The pursuit of pleasure belongs to a worldly life, to follow knowledge to a religious life ; to return to a worldly life from one of religion is considered blameworthy. If one breaks the rules of discipline, the transgressor is publicly reproved: for a slight fault a reprimand is given or a temporary banishment enforced silence ; for a grave fault expulsion is enforced. Those who are thus expelled for life go out to seek some dwelling-place, or, finding no place of refuge, wander about the roads; sometimes they go back to their old occupation resume lay life.
With respect to the division of families, there are four classifications. They guard themselves in religion, live purely, and observe the most correct principles. The second is called Kshattriya Tsa-ti-li , the royal caste. For ages they have been the governing class : they apply themselves to virtue humanity and kindness.
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In these four classes purity or impurity of caste assigns to every one his place. When they marry they rise or fall in position according to their new relationship. They do not allow promiscuous marriages between relations. A woman once married can never take another husband. Besides these there are other classes of many kinds that intermarry according to their several callings. It would be difficult to speak of these in detail.
The succession of kings is confined to the Kshattriya T'sa-li caste, who by usurpation and bloodshed have from time to time raised themselves to power. Although a distinct caste, they are regarded as honourable or lords. The chief soldiers of the country are selected from the bravest of the people, and as the sons follow the profession of their fathers, they soon acquire a knowledge of the art of war. These dwell in garrison around the palace during peace , but when on an expedition they march in front as an advanced guard.
There are four divisions of the army, viz. A leader in a car gives the command, whilst two attendants on the right and left drive his chariot, which is drawn by four horses abreast. The general of the soldiers remains in his chariot ; he is surrounded by a file of guards, who keep close to his chariot wheels. The cavalry spread themselves in front to resist an attack, and in case of defeat they carry orders hither and thither. The infantry by their quick movements contribute to the defence. These men are chosen for their courage and strength. They carry a long spear and a great shield; sometimes they hold a sword or sabre, and advance to the front with impetuosity.
All their weapons of war are sharp and pointed. Some of them are these spears, shields, bows, arrows, swords, sabres, battle-axes, lances, halberds, long javelins, and various kinds of slings. With respect to the ordinary people, although they are naturally light-minded, yet they are upright and honourable. In money matters they are without craft, and in administering justice they are considerate. They dread the retribution of another state of existence, and make light of the things of the present world.
They are not deceitful or treacherous in their conduct, and are faithful to their oaths and promises. In their rules of government there is remarkable rectitude, whilst in their behaviour there is much gentleness and sweetness. With respect to criminals or rebels, these are few in number, and only occasionally troublesome. When the laws are broken or the power of the ruler violated, then the matter is clearly sifted and the offenders imprisoned.
There is no infliction of corporal punishment ; they are simply left to live or die, and are not counted among men. When the rules of propriety or [S. For other faults, except these, a small payment of money will redeem the punishment. In the investigation of criminal cases there is no use of rod or staff to obtain proofs of guilt. In questioning an accused person, if he replies with frankness the punishment is proportioned accordingly; but if the accused obstinately denies his fault, or in despite of it attempts to excuse himself, then in searching out the truth to the bottom, when it is necessary to pass sentence, there are four kinds of ordeal used 1 by water, 2 by force, 3 by weighing, 4 by poison.
When the ordeal is by water, then the accused is placed in a sack connected with a stone vessel and thrown into deep water. They then judge of his innocence truth or guilt in this way if the man sinks and the stone floats he is guilty ; but if the man floats and the stone sinks then he is pronounced innocent. Secondly, by fire. They heat a plate of iron and make the accused sit on it, and again place his feet on it, and apply it to the palms of his hands ; moreover, he is made to pass his tongue over it; if no scars result, he is innocent ; if there are scars, his guilt is proved.
In case of weak and timid persons who cannot endure such ordeal, they take a flower-bud and cast it towards the fire ; if it opens, he is innocent ; if the flower is burnt, he is guilty. Ordeal by weight is this : A man and a stone are placed in a balance evenly, then they judge according to lightness or weight. If the accused is innocent, then the man weighs down the stone, which rises in the balance ; if he is guilty, the man rises and the stone falls.
Ordeal by poison is this : They take a ram and make an incision in its right thigh, then mixing all sorts of poison with a portion of the food of the accused man, they place it in the incision made in the thigh of the animal [S. By these four methods of trial the way of crime is stopped. There are nine methods of showing outward respect. Of these nine methods the most respectful is to make one prostration on the ground and then to kneel and laud the virtues of the one addressed. When at a distance it is usual to bow low ; 30 when near, then it is customary to kiss the feet and rub the ankles of the person addressed.
Whenever orders are received at the hands of a superior, the person lifts the skirts of his robes and makes a prostration. The superior or honourable person who is thus reverenced must speak gently to the inferior , either touching his head or patting his back, and addressing him with good words of direction or advice to show his affection. Not only do they prostrate themselves to show reverence, but they also turn round towards the thing reverenced in many ways, sometimes with one turn, sometimes with three: if from some long-cherished feeling there is a call for marked reverence, then according to the desire of the person.
Every one who falls sick fasts for seven days. During this interval many recover, but if the sickness lasts they take medicine. The character of these medicines is different, and their names also. The doctors differ in their modes of examination and treatment. When a person dies, those who attend the funeral raise lamentable cries and weep together. They rend their garments and loosen their hair ; they strike their heads and beat their breasts.
There are no regulations as to dress for mourning, nor any fixed time for observing it.
Related Early Buddhist Monachism: 600 BC - 100 BC: Volume 24 (Trubners Oriental Series)
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