Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition)

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As is the case with Italian, German retained great dialectal diversity because of the late unification of a political entity. We shall return to these questions later in the section. The main division of dialects in German-language countries is based on the High German Sound Shift, which began between the sixth and eighth centuries AD in the south of the German-language region, and gradually moved northward. Dialects in the far South which were wholly, or almost wholly affected by the sound shift are termed oberdeutsch Upper German , those in the Centre partially affected are designated as mitteldeutsch Central German , and those in the North unaffected are termed niederdeutsch Low German.

See Map 2. Keller , Barbour and Stevenson Until the seventeenth century, Low German had a separate existence as an important literary and commercial language; as the language of the. Hanseatic League, it was even used as a lingua franca throughout Northern Europe. There is now no standard Low German language. Of all the German-language countries it is Germany and especially the area of the former Federal Republic that encompasses the widest dialectal diversity.

Austrian dialects are Bavarian Upper German in origin, except for the Alemannic varieties in Vorarlberg. Moreover, because of the political and cultural fragmentation of the German-speaking regions of Europe, and the specific forms of territorial absolutism replacing the Holy Roman Empire, there was no centre comparable with London and Paris that could lend or impose its variety as the standard language.

So each region had its own language at least until the early sixteenth century see Bach , Hugo Moser a, R. Keller There were two periods of strong nationalist as well as functional motivation for a uniform standard. The first was the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, and the contributing factors were: the use of German instead of Latin for legal records c. Although there was a 'compromise language' in the South das gemeyne Deutsch up to the sixteenth century, the basis for the merging standard language was written East Central German, itself originally a compromise.

At the time of the Holy Roman Empire, Germany was not a political entity and could be defined only culturally and linguistically1. Linguistic nationalism was directed towards promoting the vernacular as opposed to Latin. I do not know where to find the country. Where the scholarly begins, the political ends. It was the French revolution that sparked off the movement towards a German nation-state. The originally East Central German written standard gradually permeated both the northern Low German-speaking regions and the Catholic states, and during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries slowly penetrated into Austria and Switzerland.

However, it was in the nineteenth century that the phonological norms were set for what may be termed 'German Standard German'. By this time Prussia had gained a sphere of influence embracing all German-speaking areas of Europe except Switzerland and those that were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, first through a customs union the Zollverein and then, in , through political unification. The model for this unity was kleindeutsch i.

The linguistic as well as the political leadership was provided by the North. A myth continuing to the present day is that the 'best' German is spoken in Hanover. Because the North including Berlin was originally Low German-speaking, and once used High German as a second language, the High German Standard German spoken there tended to accentuate a close relationship between phonemes and graphemes, giving the semblance of'greater correctness', and it was not on a continuum with the local dialects as in, say, Swabia, Bavaria or Austria.

With minor modifications, the North German pronunciation became the norm for Standard German pronunciation Buhnendeutsch, stage German in Austria and Switzerland, as well as throughout Germany, in an agreement concluded between the three countries in Short vowels for long ones, as in Qlas, Zug. This is a problem of syllable boundary: [9] is used in syllable-final position; [g] at the start of a syllable. Ammon designates as 'Teutonismen those rarely marked features peculiar to German German, both lexical e.

Today, in spite of a high degree of regionalism in South Germany see Ch. This, however, does not apply to Austrian or Swiss Radio, see 2. Similarly, in the written language, the Suddeutsche Zeitung published in Munich follows similar norms to the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, partly because much of the information comes from agencies centred in the northern and central parts of Germany cf. Austrian newspapers, whose language is Austrian Standard. The dominance of the German norms has been aided by the fact that most of the large German-language publishing houses were and are situated in Germany.

At the level of lexicon and grammar, alternatives to the North German norm may be accepted regionally, but not as Standard German. So the news and political sections of the Suddeutsche and the news on the Bayerischer Rundfunk do not usually employ words such as heuer dieses Jahr, this year , fanner ifanuar, January , Gehweg Burgersteig, footpath or constructions such as liegen to lie , stehen to stand and sitzen to sit with the auxiliary sein cf.

German Standard and North German haben. Also, the tendency towards graphemic integration adaptation to German spelling of lexical transfers 'loanwords' from other languages is greater in Germany than in other German-language countries. But generally, the one aspect of the German language for which a consensus was reached by the German-language countries at the end of the nineteenth century was spelling. In addition to the kleindeutsch model, the grofideutsch notion incorporating all German-language regions including Austria, Switzerland and Luxembourg under the political and cultural domination of Germany seems to have strongly influenced the German attitude towards national varieties of German in other countries.

At the political level, the grofdeutsch principle has been completely discredited through its barbarous climax under Hitler. In attitudes to language, however, the dominance of Germany is still present see above, 2. However, the uneasy relation between norm and usage makes this whole discussion difficult. As we have indicated in 2.

Standard German. It is perhaps the national variety that has undergone the greatest changes in recent times, especially in the lexicon. The linguistic effects of the division of German will be the subject of Chapter 3. Variation between the Austrian and German national varieties of Standard German is the result of separate cultural and sociopolitical development, particularly since the establishment of an Austrian-based state in the late eighteenth century and the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in Following the unification of Germany under Prussia, which excluded Austria, in , North and Central German were codified as standard in Germany.

The multilingual, multicultural Austro-Hungarian Empire was 'the very antithesis of a national state' R. Keller , being neither grofideutsch embracing all German-language areas nor kleindeutsch being only German-language-using but embracing only some German-language areas. In , only The collapse of this empire at the end of the First World War resulted in tension between pan-German and pro-independence elements.

The Austrian cringe is noted as early as by the writer Arthur Schnitzler cited in Johnston , who notes 'echt osterreichisch' being used as a term of disapproval and 'echt deutsch' as designating noble, strong and beautiful. The period as part of Nazi Germany and the ten years when Austria was divided between allied occupation powers was followed by a direction clearly independent from Germany in which the German connection was officially minimized.

However, the change of the name of the school subject from 'German' to Unterrichtssprache language of instruction , sometimes cited as an example, was actually the response to the Soviet occupation's demands for mothertongue-medium education for minorities Rudolf Muhr, personal communication. Von Polenz correctly notes that there has been confusion between the political and cultural concepts of 'nation' Staatsnation, Kulturnation , exacerbated by the pan-German movement of the nineteenth century and by Nazism.

National consciousness was heightened during Kreisky's term of office as Bundeskanzler The proportion of the population accepting the notion of an Austrian nation as opposed to state is greater than ever. Comparisons of public polls taken four times between and SWS Bildstatistiken show that the proportion of the population believing that there is a separate Austrian nation has increased from half to nearly three-quarters of the sample during this period. Nevertheless, the dilemma of Austrian nationhood vs membership of a German nation is still under discussion in some circles Bruckmuller ,K.

Erdmann The economic and political strength of, and dependence on, the 'big brother' Germany stands in contrast with a continuing cultural cringe in Austria Muhr ,b, Pollak , Ratholb, Schmid and HeiB As the author Georg Schmid 32 argues, Austrian German has become foreign through the acceptance of an evaluation from outside. A manifestation of this is the pendulum swing between the planning of an autonomous national variety and an acceptance of German norms. According to Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier 30 ,'Standard High German', as described in Siebs and the Dudens, is 'not used in everyday speech at all and rarely in schools' in Vienna.

The German used by the highest ranking strata of Austrian society, whether in government, the public service, or the academic professions, is distinctively Austrian Muhr a. The notion of'stage German' has become somewhat antiquated in Germany. It was the original motivation of the Siebs standard but has little significance in Germany today. The radio news pronunciation, though still distinctively Austrian, bears some resemblance to that of German-speaking Switzerland, where this needs to be seen in relation to diglossia see 2. In Austria, other programmes, such as the morning programme, talkback, talks and children's programmes, are in a more everyday sociolect of Austrian German.

As there is no complete description of Austrian Standard German, its status is often confused through prejudice. Muhr , a demonstrates the effects of what he calls the 'schizophrenia of the Austrian. He shows that there is a tendency for Austrians to use but denigrate their own national variety Standard-nach-innen and to regard as the norm a variety that is neither normally used nor acceptable within Austria Standard-nach-aufien. This is related to class and geographical factors see above and cf.

Hans Moser and comes to the fore in the debate over the Austrian dictionary see 2. The result is frequent code-switching in the public domain Muhr This creates problems in the codification process. In a survey of language attitudes in Vienna, Moosmiiller and Dressier found positive attitudes to Austrian Standard German, which was described as soft and melodious, though some of the informants reacted negatively to unrealistically normative pronunciations. A more extensive study of the attitudes of people from four states of Austria Moosmiiller revealed both positive and negative attitudes to the notion of 'Austrian German'.

Evidence in favour of a 'linguistic cringe' see 2. German technology, tourism, imports and synchronized television for the entire Germanlanguage market as well as youth subculture have prompted the spread of GSG variants and uncertainty as to Austrian norms. On the other hand, it is with Austrian Standard that the middle and upper middle classes identify Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier At all levels of language there are marked distinctions between local or regional Austrian dialects and Austrian Standard in both the capital city and the provinces.

This was already observed by the Austrian writer Hugo von Hofmannsthal in Wert und Ehre der deutschen Sprache in He felt an absence of an intermediate variety for social contact between different segments of the population. Due to its belated overall industrialization, Austria still has a more pronounced class structure than Germany, and social class and educational background are indicated through the variety of Austrian German dialect or Standard used. As the lower sociolects of Austrian German are the ones most distant from GSG, the distinctiveness of Austrian German represents a conflict between national and social loyalty Hans Moser Vienna is the political and cultural centre and 3.

Graz, Linz, Salzburg, Innsbruck, see e. Moosmuller , though there is some tension between the eastern and western varieties, and Standard German in Austria certainly varies regionally, as in Germany see Wolf Viennese influence is weakest in Vorarlberg, which, linguistically and culturally, has much in common with neighbouring areas of Switzerland, and has been making bids for increased political autonomy.

Because of longstanding cultural links dating back to the AustroHungarian Empire, ASG is enjoying considerable currency in the neighbouring Central European countries, such as Hungary, Slovenia and Slovakia. This is partly due to cognate vocabulary. The motivation to use ASG words is decreased because North Germans often do not understand them or consider them non-standard.

Austrian variants are mentioned in the German pronunciation handbooks, Siebs and Duden-Ausspracheworterbuch, in the Duden-Grammatik, and in the German dictionaries such as Wahrig, DudenUniversalworterbuch, and Klappenbach and Steinitz. There is an Osterreischisches Beiblatt of Siebs which Pollak demonstrates to be inadequate in his argument for a codification of ASG pronunciation. Now that the Duden-Ausspracheworterbuch has accepted a broader set of pronunciation options, some characteristically Austrian norms especially those rules also applied in parts of Germany have been included, something that was not the case prior to It is the official listing of the lexicon of.

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Standard German in Austria, with some treatment of grammar, published under the auspices of the Ministry of Education and the Arts. In contrast to earlier editions which attempted to provide an inventory of standard 'common German language', the 35th edition exercised a solidarizing and separatist function Dressier and Wodak a , accentuating the distinctiveness of Austrian Standard German in a climate of increased national consciousness and progressive social reform. At least one third of the items in this edition had not appeared in previous editions. Some were neologisms but most were characteristically Austrian words, among them dialect expressions employed in Austrian literature written in Standard German.

They were marked 'tnda mundartlich, dialectal ot'ldscW landschaftlich, regional. Samstag, also GSG except in the North. The dictionary also reflected the flexibility in gender usage in ASG see below, 2. Duden Vol. The 36th edition of the OWB retreated from some of these reforms, largely in response to criticisms of the controversial previous edition from some linguists and lay people.

This may also be symptomatic of a general return to conservatism and regionalism in Austria. It was claimed variously that standards had been lowered by the acceptance of non-standard forms and a disregard for stylistic levels, that the international unity of the German language was being damaged Wiesinger a , that there was a 'reactionary' overstating of the Austrian element Reiffenstein , and that the dictionary was Vienna-centric and oblivious to usage in the western part ofAustria Wiesinger a, b, b, Dressier and Wodak a.

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Some of these points were also made in letters to the editor of newspapers, see Clyne Many of the evaluations also contained praise for some aspects of the initiatives of the dictionary which gave ASG its due place. Any suggestions received are taken into account by the dictionary editors Fussy Thus, for instance, Aprikose, Quark cottage 5 The earlier term for such items would have been 'reichsdeutsch' Imperial German , which was no longer appropriate.

See e.

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  8. Wiesinger b, Wolf The stylistic level received more attention, with some Austrian items now being designated 'Ugs' umgangssprachlich, colloquial. However, Pollak levels criticism at the tendency in the 36th Edition to relegate items to dialect or colloquial too quickly. The problem is where to establish the threshold of Standard German Pollak Some multiple gender assignments e. In the case of Meter, reinstated in The addition of 'w wienerisch , together with the adoption of Vorarlberg items marked V was intended to appease the western Austrians.

    Grammatical rules now followed the more conservative pattern statt and wegen with the dative, and the Austrian contraction of aujdem to am being described as 'ugs' without detracting from the essentials of ASG grammar, such as the use of sein as the only auxiliary for liegen, sitzen and stehen, which Duden lists as regional South German. The 37th edition takes a position between the 35th and the 36th, being more prescriptive than the former and less so than the latter. There is again a declaration of national distinctiveness in its self-description: Ein Worterbuch der deutschen Standardsprache in ihrer osterreichischen Auspragung A dictionary of the German standard language in its Austrian expression It is again an inciter of language reform, but in a more subtle way than the 35th edition.

    The distinction between national and regional differences is clarified. Regional variants are not only indicated but marked very precisely e. East Styrian, East Tyrolean. In a sample of entries, Rogerson found that 78 changes had been made in the entries between the 36th and 37th editions, largely due to markings, such as ugs or idsch. Only The 37th edition represents a more balanced, theoretically well founded but progressive, account of the Austrian German norms.

    Its direction is now probably irreversible. The 38th edition, to appear during , will be greatly expanded with a total of 60, items.

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    • {The Dark Angel Upon her} By Kittie Blessed (Dark Angel Upon her pt 1-7).

    In all three cases, the diphthongal character is slight and the second element lower than in GSG Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier The distinction between voiced and voiceless consonants is subject to assimilation rules, e. Initial [st] corresponds to GSG [Jt] in loanwords, e. Stil, Strategie. Initial [k] corresponds to GSG [c] in loanwords, e. Chemie, China. Evangelium, November, Vizeprdsident. Voiceless initial [s], as in [sausn] sausen. There is no glottal stop [? Stylistic variation takes place between final [ik] and [iq] in words spelt -ig, e.

    The sequence [rjk] is found in words such as [arjkst] Angst, [laqksam] langsam Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier The short vowel in Kucken is reflected in the spelling, which 6. There is a long vowel, e. Some words e. Kaffee and Motor are stressed on the final syllable not the initial one as in GSG.

    Others e. GSG stress on final syllable.


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    On the other hand, some adjectives are stressed on the final syllable in ASG whereas the stress occurs on the first syllable in GSG, e. Many of the distinctive words in ASG reflect the separate cultural and political development of Austria. They include words in the following fields: Food e. Jause morning and afternoon tea, GSG Kaffee. Institutions e. The months e. Transferred from neighbouring languages, e. Italian, Slovenian. Purism and integration of lexical transfers were never as marked in Austria as in Germany Fenske Another speciality of Austrian Standard German is the preposition auf used with vergessen cf.

    GSG direct object. Kaffee retains its stress on the final syllable in contrast to GSG, where the stress has transferred to the initial syllable. Some words are umlauted in ASG, e. Mochte from mogen 'to like' is employed for'would' GSG wurde. The letter j is [je:], not [jot] as in Germany. ASG ['ko:pJ3] copy has been replaced by GSG [ko'pi:] by some younger people for whom the word relates only to photocopying and not to carbon copies cf. Wiesinger Some morphemes are particularly productive in word formation in ASG, e. Rizzo-Baur , Wiesinger The distinctively Austrian word Wissenschafter academic is used in free variation with Wissenschafiler.

    Hans Moser 26 suggests that the former may have arisen in Austria because the -ler is sometimes associated there with words expressing social inferiority. Kragen and Wagen take a " plural cf. GSG zero plural. Austrian German tends to prefer the weak forms of verbs such as senden to send and wenden to turn sendete, gesendet; wendete, gewendet. Past participles of diirfen, konnen and mogen are not used as main verbs but replaced by the infinitive, e. Spoken Austrian Standard as well as Austrian dialects like many German ones generally lack a preterite simple past and pluperfect.

    They are replaced by the perfect. The preterite is sometimes used in Austrian Standard by some people wishing to shift to a higher register stylistic level of language chosen according to 'what is actually taking place, who is taking part, and what part the language is playing' Halliday 31 , regardless of its applicability according to German grammatical rules of aspect.

    For instance, single events in the past are therefore sometimes expressed in the preterite instead of the perfect Kufner The half-heartedly conducted referendum in which the Serbian government had allowed the people to vote.

    Translation of «intralingual» into 25 languages

    Die Presse, 14 October , p. Ich bin iiberzeugt, daB wir bis dahin die Vermogensaufteilung abgeschlossen haben werden. I am convinced that by then we will have completed the distribution of assets. Die Presse 14 October , p.

    [ASMR] Whispers in Different Languages - Spanish, Japanese, German, French

    Denn wenn das sein hatte konnen, hatte er es ganz betrieben. For if that had been the case, he would have carried it out completely. Osterreichbericht 95,, p. Robert Lichel ist viel zu intelligent, nicht auch zu wissen, daB er das fruher oder spater zugeben wird mtissen. Robert Lichel is far too intelligent not to know that he would have to admit this sooner or later. Stubkjaer , who cites numerous examples from ASG, points out that this construction brings the main verb closer to the connected nominal than is the case in GSG.

    It would appear from the above section that the attitudes to Austrian Standard German have fluctuated with the swing of the political pendulum as Austriafindsits place in the new world order. Pollak's closing sentence points the way to a recognition of both unity and diversity: Erst mit dem Bekenntnis zum osterreichischen Deutsch werden wir sprachlich zu vollwertigen Mitgliedern der deutschen Kommunikationsgemeinschaft.

    Only with a commitment to Austrian German will we become linguistically full members of the German communication community. The position of Swiss Standard German can be seen only in contrast with that of the 'national dialect' Swiss German Schwyzertutsch , which has, in most aspects of its structure, remained more conservative than Swiss Standard German. Swiss German could be developed into an independent language. One of the reasons why it is not regarded as a language Kloss terms it an 'Ausbaudialekf is that it exists only in the form of different local and regional varieties.

    It is, as it were, a pluricentric national dialect. Apart from some recommendations on spelling in Swiss German Dieth , no standardization has taken place. In addition, the Swiss-Germans see themselves as part of the German literary and cultural tradition and do not wish to break with this Sieber and Sitta , von Polenz Communication at the inter-regional level is based on slightly adapting.

    Zurich, Basel, Bern German to that of your speech partner, often by taking over lexemes and other features from Swiss Standard German. Dialect mixture in individuals results from internal mobility Christen In contrast to Germans and Austrians, German-speaking Swiss have no intermediate variety between dialect and Standard comparable with Umgangssprache see 4. Urban dialects are far more prestigious than rural ones. Wolfsberger has shown that, owing to geographical mobility and the effects of the media, there is some levelling-out of dialects, especially in the direction of the standard language.

    This is particularly so among the younger and the more geographically mobile. The Swiss identify basically as citizens of a particular local or regional entity e. Zurich, Interlaken, St Gallen. Within this region or locality in the German-language part, the dialect is spoken as the native language and sole language of informal discourse by all classes and sections of society, i. Keller , Ris , Kropf It is the primary linguistic marker of identity, for, as Watts 92 points out, the Swiss have a mistrust of central authority and central concentration of power.

    Competence in Swiss Standard German and not dialect identifies people socially Ris ,57 , while dialect indicates their regional cantonal origins, and this diglossia identifies them as Swiss. A uniform national dialect might, among other things, destroy the social unity guaranteed by the local and regional dialect.

    Heterogenität und Literalität

    Standard German is primarily the written language, as its Swiss name Schriftdeutsch suggests. The norms are better defined and more consciously observed in this Swiss variety of Standard German than in dialects R. Many German-speaking Swiss resent Standard German because of difficulties encountered with it at school or because it is the symbol of anxiety, frustration and suppression within a very prescriptive approach at school Schlapfer, Gutzweiler and Schmid , Sieber and Sitta , There being no intermediate variety, Standard German is often rather stilted in style.

    It has been claimed frequently e. This is not simply a symbolic rejection, for Swiss-Germans have an inferiority complex about their Standard German Albrecht and Mathis a. However, young Swiss do have the opportunity of being exposed to it from an early age through German TV Watts , Sieber and Sitta and are able to mimic it well Hacki Buhofer and Burger Standard German is employed in the National Parliament along with French and Italian ,9 in secondary and tertiary education, radio and television, formal church services liturgy and sermons , the press, worldwide fiction literature the most important contemporary Swiss exponents of which are Frisch and Durrenmatt and non-fiction literature.

    Whether a variety is used for the latter function is regarded by Kloss as a litmus test as to whether the variety is now a language in its own right. Dialect is used in some cantonal parliaments, early primary education and somefictionliterature. Further uses of dialect are in weddings and informal evening church services, secondary and tertiary education explanations, colloquia, working groups, practical classes, non-academic school subjects , the military less formal situations , advertising, and even some formal speeches Schwarzenbach , Ris ,Meili ,L6ffler , Sieber and Sitta , In other words, dialect is making inroads into informal speech informal domains, and even into formal speech, such as addresses given on the National Day, which are closely linked with national identity Schlapfer, Gutzweiler and Schmid As a result, new words are transferred from Standard German and integrated into dialect, e.

    Raumfahrt space travel becomes Rumfort, and Marktforschung market research becomes Marktforschig e. It appears that diglossia based on domains is no longer an appropriate means of depicting the relation between Standard and dialect in the German-speaking part of Switzerland.

    The division is more between speaking mode, which is unmarked and in dialect, and reading mode, which is marked and in Standard. The 'speaking mode' expresses spontaneity, intimacy and interaction; the 'reading mode' expresses authority, distance and formality. Sieber and Sitta , designate this 'medial diglossia', i. By way of illustration, news broadcasts are in Standard German on national radio 9. By reading the news in Standard German, broadcasters stress that they are not taking responsibility for the content. The name of the editor, not that of the news-reader as in English-speaking countries is given.

    On many local stations, the Standard German news is followed by the weather report in dialect. This is presented in a more casual way, and the tempo is faster. Most announcements on railway stations are in Standard; this is the variety in which tram stops are called out by the Zurich tram driver. Thus, the 'reading mode' is associated with truth value as well as authoritativeness, with the 'speaking mode' being a narrative one. In addition, 'dialect' is starting to move into H see 1. These are seen to be part of interaction.

    The dialect is the vehicle of personal identity and in-group communication. Spoken Standard German is imparted at school to reinforce the written Standard of essay work Sieber and Sitta Some writers lament the large amount of dialect spoken in class, which, it is claimed, is resulting in lower Standard German competence and the danger of'Hollandization' i.

    News and news-like programmes are in Standard German. Swiss German is not usually employed in translations from foreign languages. Quotations are repeated in the variety in which they were heard or read. Swiss German does not occur in written form on TV It is used in informal situations or where the moderator comments as well as conveys information.

    Interviews with Swiss-Germans are in dialect. There is no codeswitching between interlocutors or within the same speaker. Swiss German is used exclusively in local content. On the basis of an analysis of Swiss TV commercials, Lee establishes that Standard voices are used to express elegance, sophistication, seriousness and technology. Dialect voices are employed to denote identity, humour, informality, homeliness and intimacy.

    German- Swiss schools are charged with the responsibility of teaching oral and written Standard. However, pupils can effect a code-switch to Standard in class, something that teachers do not consider a breach of rules Kropf A sample of nearly 34, army recruits, all males aged about twenty, and almost 1, women of the same age and range of backgrounds were surveyed by Schlapfer, Gutzweiler and Schmid This means that the school has become a Standard German 'relic area'.

    While Standard German was regarded as more objective, precise and exalted. Opposition to increased use of dialects comes from French speakers and from the cultural elite of the German speakers, who feel that it is undermining the proficiency level in Standard German Schlapfer, Gutzweiler and Schmid Dialect is a 'protection' from the 'outside world' and the identity marker to distinguish German-speaking Swiss from their powerful neighbours, the Germans Kropf The Swiss vote against entry into the European Economic Region in December due to German-Swiss opposition is a major reflection of this desire for insulation.


    Another manifestation of isolationism is a 24million-franc cut in October in the funding of Pro Helvetia, the Swiss cultural body corresponding to the Goethe Institute. The non-German-speaking Swiss, especially the French speakers, resent the increased use of Swiss-German dialects. They feel excluded from communication by the largest group even though they learn its Standard language at school Frei , Watts , , Sieber and Sitta , Ludi In the survey of year-olds mentioned above Schlapfer, Gutzweiler and Schmid , Diirmuller English emerged as the preferred language to learn at school, French and German both being unpopular.

    But note that the methodology of this study has been criticized by Watts and Andres At present, French is the more usual language of inter-cultural communication between German and French speakers and between French and Italian speakers, while Standard German is employed between German and Italian speakers see also Chini In the federal public service, to an increasing extent the inter-ethnic communication mode is for each person to speak their own language Hauck While English is the 'neutral language', it is not yet favoured as the official language of Switzerland.

    However, about one-third of the informants regard this development as 'conceivable' Diirmuller Stevenson attributes these problems not only to the dynamic nature of Swiss multilingualism but also to 'Helevetic malaise' - 'a growing sense of self-doubt, dissatisfaction with the status quo acccompanying a shift of attention from solidarity against the outside world to internal divisions' p. Keller points out that lexical pairing between Standard German and dialect leads to convergence, e.

    The same process has led to grammatical confusion and simplification, e. As there is a discontinuum i. The independent position of Swiss Standard German has been strengthened by Swiss neutrality and the recent German past. But while there are norms for Swiss Standard German, the Swiss generally experience a feeling of inferiority as to their proficiency in it Boesch Boesch et al.

    The Swiss follow the Duden as the norm of the written language Miiller-Marzohl Most of the specifically Swiss items included are transfers from French or words from the culinary or institutional domains. There is also a Swiss Schulerduden for late primary and early secondary classes, which follows the norms of written Swiss Standard German see Schlapfer and a Swiss dictionary for primary schools Reichert , which is drawn from the lexicon of Swiss Standard German.

    Short-vowel forms have been accepted in the edition of the authoritative Duden-Ausspracheworterbuch. Couplet, Budget Keller Moulton points out that Swiss Standard German never uses a glottal stop and that final consonants may be voiced e. See also Meyer Chemie, China, Chronik. As in other German-language countries, there is regional variation in Swiss Standard German pronunciation Siebenhaar Nachtessen dinner , aper snow-free , Zntini morning tea at about 9. Words bearing a meaning different to that in other national varieties, e.

    Word-formation devices employed differently in SSG than in other varieties, e. Specifically Swiss gender assignment in some cases of transference from French, closer to the source language , e. Incidentally, das Mami contrasts with der Papi, e. Ob is still used for oberhalb above , which is archaic in other standard varieties, as are Mietzins rent , Wittfrau widow , einhellig anonymous , hierorts here and hinfort in future Russ Redacteur editor , transferred from French, is integrated as Redaktor.

    The fi has been generally replaced by ss. Liegen to lie , sitzen to sit , stehen to stand , hocken to crouch and kauern to squat are employed resultatively with an adverbial adjunct, e. Liegen, setzen, and stehen usually take sein as an auxiliary although they are sometimes used with haben. Hocken always forms its perfect with sein Meyer An important aspect of Swiss Standard German is the large component of transfers from another national language, French. The Germanlanguage part of Switzerland has historically not imposed its 'Germanness' on anyone else, the way Prussia Germany and Austria did on their nonGerman colonial populations.

    The German loan-creations and loantranslations employed in Germany in place of French transfers Anschrift for Adresse, Bahnsteig for Perron , have, for the Swiss, an unpleasantly 'unSwiss' Prussian? A few examples of French transfers: Bahnhofbujfet station restaurant , Camion truck , Glace ice cream , Occasion bargain, sale , Petition petition ,prdsidieren to chair , Retourbillet return ticket , Velo bicycle ;geht dir das? As far as I am aware, no study of the diglossic situation in Liechtenstein has as yet been undertaken.

    It is, on the whole, similar to that in the German-speaking parts of Switzerland. Standard German in Liechtenstein has not been codified. However, it is used more than Swiss Standard German. Also there is a large degree of similarity and some convergence, Banzer between the Liechtenstein dialects, and the capital, Vaduz, houses the headquarters of many foreign businesses run by Standard German speakers, with whom a Standard German similar to that of Switzerland is spoken.

    In December there were 1, Germans and 2, Austrians living in Liechtenstein on residence permits Roland Biichel, personal communication. The language of administration is Standard German. It is the official language of the court, though dialect is sometimes employed in simple cases where both parties are Liechtensteiners. Standard is also generally used in the Landtag Parliament.

    Dialect is also permitted but is used by few parliamentarians. While the liturgical part of church services is in Standard, sermons tend to be preached in dialect Roland Biichel, Presse- und Informationsamtsleiter, personal communication, 27 July In schools, the dialect is used as a medium of instruction officially only in the first weeks of Grade 1 sixyear-olds.

    Its use is permitted in class where the pupils are experiencing difficulties in comprehension or expression Lehrplan der Realschule, , cited in G. Wolfinger, personal communication, 15 February , and there is variation in the use and tolerance of dialect by individual teachers. The reading of dialect texts is discouraged, and it is claimed that facility in dialect reading is increased by the reading of Standard German. Lehrplan fur die Primarschulen im Furstentum Liechtenstein, n. Wolfinger, head of Liechtenstein's Schulamt, referring to the use of Standard in writing and dialect in oral communication, stresses that the unequivocal emphasis in education is placed on the acquisition of Standard German although the use of dialect is increasing personal communication, 15 February Banzer points out that, because of the medial diglossia see 2.

    Letzebuergesch is the mother tongue, home language and language of informal spoken discourse of all the Luxembourgians, which is manifested in Middle Franconian dialects grouped into a northern, an eastern, a western and a southern division. Letzebuergesch dialects described, however, as Deitsch are spoken in and around Arlon and St Vith in Belgium see 2. There is also a supraregional Letzebuergesch koine, based on the dialect of the Alzette Valley in the South, or on a compromise dialect, and transmitted through the capital, where people from all over Luxembourg have gathered and worked together F.

    Hoffmann Although it is not given any superior status Newton 62 it has become the mother tongue of some sections of the upper and middle classes Fernand Hoffmann, personal communication. Because of the koine, Standard German is not used as a medium of inter-regional communication.

    The planned development of Letzebuergesch towards a sort of Ausbauspmche has been going on since with the removal of its Frenchspeaking territory Luxembourg became a purely German Letzebuergesch- speaking state in , but it was precipitated by German invasions in the two world wars and a reaction against the Germanization policy of the Nazis. It is the independent status of Letzebuergesch, together with trilingualism and diglossia see 2. Up to , postwar Luxembourg had no 'official languages' although Letzebuergesch was the declared 'national language' language used by all the population F.

    Hoffmann , and French, German and Letzebuergesch all fulfilled some of the functions of official languages. In , these three languages were declared official languages. This measure was promoted by lobbying from the Enroles de Force an organization of those forced to recruit in the German army in the Second World War with the support of Aktioun Letzebuergesch, which had been founded to promote Letzebuergesch Gerold Newton, personal communication.

    More codification has taken place of Letzebuergesch than of Schwyzertiitsch see above, 2. There is both a dictionary and a grammar of the 'national dialect', both descriptive, but the orthography is based on that of Standard German. The parameters established for diglossia in the German-language part of Switzerland 2. For that reason I would describe the Luxembourg situation as 'diglossia' rather than 'triglossia', with the two H languages, French and German, designated as HI and H2 respectively, with the functions described below. Letzebuergesch is the medium of the 'speaking mode'- of intimacy, spontaneity and interaction.

    German and French are the mediums of the 'reading mode' - expressing authority, distance and formality. However, there is a little more overlap between the functions of the L and the H languages than in Switzerland because of the official status of Letzebuergesch. For instance, the bureaucracy is required to respond in Letzebuergesch where possible dans la mesure du possible to any letters received in that language. Berg makes the point that Luxembourgians want their mother tongue to be a written language rather than to replace the languages of wider communication.

    After all, they are essential to such a small country. Any choice of languages for the written mode tends to be an expression of educational and class status. Birth, marriage, death and thank-you notices in the daily newspapers are in either Letzebuergesch or French. It is the intellectuals who are most likely to write letters in Letzebuergesch, and they, especially newspaper editors, help other citizens formulate discourse in the language. Most personal advertisements can follow a preformulated schema.

    Yet it is members of the lower class who insert personal advertisements in Letzebuergesch because they are not able to write French well either. That is, those who need Letzebuergesch most are least able to make use of its increasing functions. The class structure is also expressed through the selection of the H language. Where there is a choice, e.

    This is the reason why German is the principal language of the press. French is used for communication with many of the Portuguese and Italian migrants, especially in the initial stages of settlement see N. An oral test in Letzebuergesch is obligatory for applicants for Luxembourg citizenship. Tests are conducted by members of the police force Fernand Hoffmann, personal communication. It is the more educated who have the greatest opportunity to acquire, use and maintain the H languages, while the working class lack confidence in them Davis The division between the use of French, German and Letzebuergesch even within domains may be illustrated by the following examples: Education Preschools are conducted in Letzebuergesch.

    The medium of lessons in primary schools and, for most subjects, until the fourth year of secondary education, is German. After that, it is French. But in all classes, Letzebuergesch is used for explanations and informal interaction Davis , F. Hoffmann , Scheidweiler German and French, but not Letzebuergesch, are taught as subjects at primary and secondary schools. It is the school that makes trilinguals out of a basically monolingual Letzebuergesch-speaking population. Correspondence Personal letters tend to be in German although some intellectuals correspond in Letzebuergesch , but French is the main language of local business and official correspondence.

    The balance between German and French correspondence is determined by social distance degree of intimacy and class F. Law courts Evidence is given in Letzebuergesch, the counsels speak French the language of the legal code , and the language of the written verdict is German F.

    Parliament Most debates are conducted in Letzebuergesch, with some code-switching to French, usually for a legal register Krier The printed reports of debates give the speeches in the languages s in which they were delivered. Literature There are three Luxembourgian fiction literatures, one in each language F. Non-fiction literature is in German or French. The number of non-fiction texts apart from quotations from the spoken language, such as parliamentary transcripts is small but growing Scheidweiler , Berg This would mean that, according to Kloss's litmus test see 2. Media The Luxembourgian newspapers are predominantly in German.

    However, reports from French-speaking countries are kept in the original, and some social and cultural sections of the newspapers are in French. The sports sections are entirely in German. Advertisements are in any of the languages, with companies and estate agents tending to insert them in French, and tradesmen in German.

    Those advertisements in Letzebuergesch tend to be in a more interactive style, attempting to initiate a response from the reader. Job advertisements are generally in French Berg Most of Luxembourg's TV air space has been rented out to foreign companies transmitting from surrounding countries in German or French. The one remaining channel transmits news and documentaries in Letzebuergesch.

    Those watching French-language programmes tend to be upper class, management or unskilled workers either migrants or soap opera enthusiasts ; German-language and Letzebuergesch programmes are favoured by civil servants, farmers or skilled workers. Younger people opt rather for English-language programmes Davis The regularities of historical phonetics and the semantic plausibility of the underlying concept relations are crucial for this. Geocoding is a fundamental ordering criterion of the data which are administrated by VerbaAlpina; degrees of latitude and longitude are used for geocoding.

    The exactness of this coding varies depending on the data type; VerbaAlpina aims at a coding as exact as possible, to within a metre. In the case of linguistic data from atlases and dictionaries, it is generally only possible to do an approximate coding according to the place name. However, in the case of e. Spots, lines as streets, rivers etc. The reference grid of the geocoding is the network of municipalities in the Alpine region, which can be output as surface or as spots, as required. A constant update of these data which can often change due to administrative reforms is unnecessary because they form merely a geographical reference frame.

    The calculated municipality spots represent the geometric midpoints of the municipality surfaces and mark only by case theirs centre. If necessary, all data can be projected individually or in an accumulated way on the calculated municipality spot. This is the case for linguistic data out of atlases and dictionaries. Additionally, there will be a honeycombed grid which is quasi geocoded: it portrays in fact the approximate position of the municipalities to each other, but it assigns at the same time an idealised surface with each time the same form and size to each municipality territory. By doing so, two alternative methods of mapping are offered to the users.

    Both have their advantages and disadvantages and both offer a certain suggestive potential because of their figurativeness. The topographic depiction gives a better insight into the concrete spatiality with its very special ground profile, single transitions, valley courses, inaccessible valley exits etc. The honeycomb map in comparison allows more abstracted visualisations of the data as it balances the sizes of municipality surfaces and agglomeration resp.

    This is especially useful for quantitative maps because perceiving the size of the surface the impression of quantitative weight is instinctively created. The project focusses on the Alps as a sole complex regarding the cultural area. It starts from the expectation of common cultural techniques in the whole Alpine region.

    The adaptation to identical or at least very similar life conditions in the high mountains and with that to the natural spreading of corresponding skills and traditions serves as a basis for this expectation. This common ground becomes manifest linguistically in corresponding designations.

    WikiZero - Languages of Switzerland

    Therefore, it is not appropriate to describe the Alpine material culture so to speak top-down in the constricted frame of single language communities by means of a fix network of survey places in language or dialect regions determined a priori. This approach is mostly a dialectological one aiming at a description as complete as possible of single regions and ideally specific varieties. The perspective of VerbaAlpina, however, exceeds linguistic boundaries and can be called [interlingual linguistic geography]]. In this perspective, diffusion areas of cultural traditions and their linguistic designations shall be uncovered bottom-up, i.

    In order to so, VerbaAlpina works exclusively with geocodifiable data and does not specify any extensive categories — apart from the fact that the places belong to the Alpine Convention. Regarding the historical reconstruction of the Alpine cultural environment it is worth striving for the comparison of areas marked by archaeological persistence with areas of linguistic relics and for the quantitative visualisation of this comparison in the form of a combined mapping; cf. VerbaAlpina uses exclusively data that are geocodifiable at least in the area of a municipality, if possible, however, even more precisely as e.

    Regarding the particularly interesting linguistic data, there are two types of data: 1 data that stem back to utterances of single informants as e. These utterances are decomposed in their constitutive elements, the so-called tokens. These do not offer any speakers' utterances, but forms that already have been typed. Thus it is not possible to get the single tokens. It is one of the aims of this portal to bring out the forming power of language contact and especially its ethnolinguistic conditioning in the development of the Alpine language area.

    The conception of the database will allow depicting the recorded loan words also quantitatively in their local accumulation. For they result automatically when the affiliation of the informant to one of the three language families does not match the affiliation of the etymon. There are three language families that form the modern Alpine region in the form of dialect continua, which are of different size and especially of different degrees of distinction. The distribution areas of the three language families cannot be depicted on specific states cf.

    Germanic is represented by Alemannic and Bavarian varieties which are part of the pluricentric German language. The common reference to the Swiss, German and Austrian standard variety is, however, not longer given for some of the Walser and Old Bavarian Cimbrian language islands in the Southern Alps. Unlike the German-speaking area the varieties of the Romance continuum can be classified as belonging to several languages.

    The Slavonic language family is represented by Slovenian dialects that are spoken in Slovenia, but also in several Italian and Austrian municipalities. It is not the aim of VerbaAlpina to describe the dialects in the Alpine area as completely as possible, to bring out the local or regional dialect borders and to represent the region as a jigsaw of varieties. Thanks to its extensive conception, the goal of VerbaAlpina is rather to make distinguishable the especially lexical features which are spread over the single dialect and language borders. By doing so, the ethnolinguistic common ground will become evident.

    Dialects form complete linguistic systems. This means that, when investigating these three "genetically" different continua jointly, language contact is studied in form of an interlingual geolinguistic see in detail Krefeld d. Krefeld, Thomas : VerbaAlpina — un progetto di geolinguistica plurilingue, online Link. This portal informs in three different dimensions: 1 about extralinguistic reality 'things' , 2 about concepts , or: categories in terms of content or rather onomasiological categories that are not tied to singular languages or dialects, 3 about linguistic [[expressions typification] of the languages and dialects investigated by the project.

    The separate treatment of 2 and 3 is fundamental as the relevant concepts not always are documented by specific designations 'lexicalised' in the entire area under investigation. So, in wide parts of the Bavarian-speaking area, there is no word for the cheese made out of whey cf. Ziger , ita. The relation of 1 on the one hand, and 2 and 3 on the other hand is occasionally also more complicated as it seems at first glance: So, there are sometimes linguistic expressions with unclear semiotic status because it does not follow from the attestations if it is a designation of a concept or a name for a thing we are dealing with.

    This is the case e. Susanne Oberholzer Tags: Linguistics Extralinguistic context. There are two completely different types of language contact to which variety contact also belongs depending on their status of integration to the linguistic system. They can be fixed and integrated elements of the language, independent of the speaker 'loan words' — on the level of the linguistic system — or — on the level of the speaker — individual phenomena. These can be either habitual or occasional uses, so-called switchings. This reservation has also to be taken into account when interpreting older atlas materials where an informant provides a form close to the standard language or, in bilingual areas, a form of the respective second language.

    The theoretically fundamental difference is more or less likely in view of the linguistic data, but it is, however, actually never evident. Only the increase of informants, which becomes a quite realistic option with social media , promises us reliable information about this point. In the territory of the Alpine Convention which corresponds to the area under investigation of VerbaAlpina, different languages out of three language families traditionally are spoken.

    All of them are represented by dialectal continua whose degree of differentiation depends obviously also on their area of spread. The fragmentation of the Romance area is larger than the one of the Germanic area and the fragmentation of the German area is again larger than that of the Slavonic one. The relevant linguistic atlases inform about the dialectal conditions; the survey points of these atlases are being integrated to a full multilingual net in VerbaAlpina.

    Concerning the level of national languages or rather the regionally implemented minority languages, only the Romania alpina is subdivided further. The Slavia alpina and the Germania alpina , however, are represented by only one standard variety. But, regarding the pluricentric language German, it is necessary to distinguish coexisting national standard varieties at least for Switzerland, Germany and Austria.

    Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato. Bouvier, Jean-Claude , , : Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de la Provence, Paris, vol. Kristol, Andres Hrsg. Goebl, Hans : Atlant linguistich dl ladin dolomitich y di dialec vejins I, vol. Goebl, Hans : Atlant linguistich dl ladin dolomitich y di dialec vejins, 2a pert, vol. Pellegrini, Giovan Battista : Atlante storico-linguistico-etnografico friulano, Padova, vol. Atlas linguistique et ethnographique du Jura et des Alpes du Nord.

    Atlante linguistico ed etnografico del Piemonte occidentale. Mapping is a perhaps not entirely undisputed method in linguistic geography, but a well-established and proven one. It is equally for the documentation and the visualisation of spatial relations cf. The usual methods differ clearly in their conciseness. In the case of the so-called 'analytic' maps linguistic part utterances are represented so that the documentation is mainly in the foreground; the discovery of the spatial relations between the documented forms is left up to the reader.

    In the so-called dot distribution maps, in comparison, the spatial relations between single aspects of expression are directly expressed by the 'synthetic' symbol allocation. Quantitative relations can only be represented this way. The online mapping of VerbaAlpina occurs on a geocoded basis and combines both methods: it shows at first sight 'synthetic' maps, but allows on closer inspection access on the part utterance after a click on the symbol.

    The heuristic potential of mapping is considerable. That is the reason why VerbaAlpina offers the option to its users to combine and accumulate different data classes from one category e. In the text contributions, the following, to a great extent usual principles of notation are used: linguistic forms examples of attestations are written in italics; the meaning is written between single quotation marks, e. Extralinguistic categories concepts are depicted using upper-case letters. This is called ita. However, a word in High German is missing. Susanne Oberholzer Tags: Linguistics Web page.

    In the triangle of reciprocally referring linguistic categories " designation " — " concept " — "reference", the reference indicates the individual substantiation of a, by its nature, always abstract concept, in other words: a concrete individual thing. The references appearing in the material VerbaAlpina is dealing with allow mostly a figurative depiction as drawing or photography.

    In comparison with designations and concepts, the references are of secondary importance in VerbaAlpina. Depictions, mostly photographs , are used as — so to speak — 'aid' within the context of the crowdsourcing in order to make the references more easily conceivable for the informant s, as the concept descriptions are at times necessarily long-winded,. Gross and Liver The idea as such was developed by Graziadio Isaia [[Ascoli Bibl:Ascoli ] and was denoted in Italian by the term 'ladino'.

    The Alps have been an area of diverse language contacts since prehistoric times, which result from completely different strata constellations cf. Krefeld In principle, languages which are in contact in an area because there are more or less bilingual speakers or even speaker communities are called adstrata. If a basic type is only spread in one specific area, so e.

    If the language of origin of the borrowing is not longer spoken in the distribution area or in a part of it , there are two possible constellations. Romance is a substratum language of the whole German- and Slovenian-speaking Alpine region.

    Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition) Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition)
    Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition) Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition)
    Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition) Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition)
    Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition) Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition)
    Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition) Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition)

Related Sprachwahl in bilingualen, multilingualen Sprachgemeinschaften (German Edition)

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