Kaiser — Zahrnt Heinz Von der Historie zur Religion. Der Glaube an den unsichtbaren Gott in der sichtbaren Welt. Jenseits der Kirche. Sprachliche Transformationsprozesse in den langen er Jahren Wilhelm Damberg ed. Gesellschaft und Religion seit der Mitte des Jahrhunderts — Mai 1—4; 1. Examples are: Norbert Greinacher Soziologie der Pfarrei. Religionssoziologie als Anruf Salzburg: O.
Thomas Luckmann The Invisible Religion. See Helmut Hild ed. Bensberger Kreis ed. Miksch Zusammenleben mit Muslimen Peter L. Author: Thomas Mittmann 1. Restricted Access. Add to Cart. Have an Access Token? Enter your access token to activate and access content online. Please login and go to your personal user account to enter your access token. Have Institutional Access? Forgot your password? Get Permissions. August , Bad Boll, September in Essen Paderborn : Bonifacius-Druckerei , , — Kaiser, , — Zahrnt Heinz , Von der Historie zur Religion. Sprachliche Transformationsprozesse in den langen er Jahren , Wilhelm Damberg ed.
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Transformationen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland , — Essen : Klartext Verlag , , — Jahrhunderts, — Mai , 1—4; 1. Examples are: Norbert Greinacher, Soziologie der Pfarrei. Thomas Luckmann , The Invisible Religion. Miksch , Zusammenleben mit Muslimen, Content Metrics. Terms and Conditions Privacy Statement. Powered by: PubFactory. Frank, our psychiatrist, says, he does not know what else to try, the doctor says, we have examined this and that, we can't carry on since we don't know what it will cost and there is just nothing clear.
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Another dimension of relocation, or in that case transfer, i. We [prosodic emphasis] can't really solve it We can't get the upper hand on it. But we should not just slacken the reins.
One inmate had drawn the director's attention to an unrest among the other inmates that had arisen from the prisoners' impression that measures taken against a drug consumer were too weak. The inmate metaphorically described this "not just slacken the reins" as physical relocation:. I said, Mr. C, the folks come, hey. They come [bangs the table] [inmate quotes the boss]: 'he was the boss [bangs the table] he would say how things would be handled here—we wouldn't have any say in this at all' and thus the discussion had been ended since we then all sat against that wall at the back, fluttering.
This statement seemed so impressive that the inmate and his colleagues felt as if they had been relocated against the wall and as if they were "fluttering", though all of them were still sitting at the table. In this case, the inmates are relocated with the use of power in a face-to-face-situation via language. A relationship that is meaningful for hierarchy in this social order can be clarified in the following manner: there is no doubt, where the power is.
These three cases of transfer or relocation described so far— practices of sorting inmates , the challenge of staff to make use of delegated competencies of action and the clear statement about who has the final say—doubtlessly contribute to the disciplinary maintenance of running an institution in an orderly fashion. They situate staff and inmates within the official local social structure and they divide the heterogeneous mass of prisoners into small groups of similar inmates easier to control.
However, taken as such they do not allow a sufficiently sound statement about the reasons why the inmates in the institution generally co-operate with this institutional order. In this institutional culture, power to relocate not only appears in the dimensions described so far. It is differentiated further since it is a semantic field domain. For inmates transferring is also a form of being at mercy, of menace and exclusion.
This form of relocation in the organizational culture is part of an unquestionable everyday knowledge about the institution. It is mentioned in the stories and it is detectable in form of a reference pattern that can be reproduced in manifold and highly routine ways: it refers to a cultural theme.
Some of these stories are well known in the institution because they keep reappearing in similar forms. The horizon of meanings of this type of narrative relocation will be described. The inmate Stefan reports. Even if the other is two meters tall or a Yugo knifer and who is going to make mincemeat of you afterwards. Only this way you can survive there, otherwise they treat you as they like it. There, it is not like here the director who governs, but those who call the shots, the Yugo-mafia and the drug-Columbians.
Answering the question how he would know what to do in Regensdorf another high security prison Stefan answered, that one would just find out about it.
Everybody would know that! Especially the "Yugos" Yugoslavs and the Columbians in Regensdorf are generally feared for their supposed brutality and readiness for knife fights. In Saxerriet they are reported as controlling the drug-dealing in the prison in Regensdorf and that they would regulate debts and other "blunders" with sharpened ballpoints. In unattended moments the victim that had not paid or that would otherwise not obey, would have such a ballpoint rammed into the buttock from behind, as a warning.
The victim would also be informed that, next time, any other part of the body could be targeted. Such potential danger can be prevented, according to Stefan, by signalizing from the start, one would oppose against demands for submission by other prisoners. One not only puts oneself in danger fighting with other inmates but also exposes oneself to routine sanctions in the institution: open fights are normally strictly punished by disciplinary action in Swiss prisons. The story is well worth noting because it reproduces the knowledge of Stefan about a place he does not know personally, but that is highly likely to be used as place for relocations of inmates to and from Saxerriet.
Yet, the explicit advice for action is clear and the implicit counter current is coherent: it is better here.https://sterterpayti.tk
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The degree of truth in such accounts that cannot be tested in advance by the prisoner is less apparent in instructions like these. Within the interpretation frame the inmates produce a cognitive cell that locks them up mentally into the prison culture just by talking about prison experiences. In a particularly drastic and clear way this is demonstrated in a story about his experiences told by Markus. Before his time in Saxerriet he was imprisoned in the Philippines:. They don't have a clue here what is going on in the prison of Manila. There you must fight to survive, fight for real, with a knife.
You can never sleep peacefully there, you always have to take care that nobody gets hold of you there. You can forget about food, you have to buy it from the wardens and they are corrupt and you have no money. After a short time there I was as thin as my little finger.
Well, I knocked one down that wanted to bugger me. I let him have it and then they knew they couldn't fuck me around. There, 30 people are in one cell and it is so small that they can't all lie down at the same time. And you're just always in there. You don't have anything there: nothing to do, nothing to eat but you have to be on guard constantly. In this story the current whereabouts are not introduced as suitable like the kindergarten metaphor indicates. But compared to the prison in the Philippines the current situation looks undoubtedly better.
Not only in direct face-to-face talk but also in the institution's journal "Bricks" from April such knowledge about relocation to other institutions can be found. It is common practice to print a one- or two-monthly record of important events in the prison on the back cover of the journal. The respective author of this text is an inmate with the pseudonym "the chronicler".
In the record from February 15th to the Easter holiday in we find a story that fits neatly into the picture given above. Referring to the obligatory monthly inmate assembly on March 22nd of where the new building of the high security prison Regensdorf was introduced by the director, we find the following text:. Surely this is not always easy to handle for the staff members. In particular the different languages and cultures often lead to complication. According to a statement of the prison director every day without major violence is a good day".
The distribution of knowledge about other institutions that implicitly and involuntarily emphasizes the positive situation in the prison investigated can be proven through at least three channels. The inmates tell each other horror stories about other institutions. On the occasion of the obligatory information assembly, the external director reports about the biggest high security prison in Switzerland and in the journal distributed to all inmates the lecture about the prison in Regensdorf reappears, condensed into a few sentences bearing the essential message.
But this objection is hardly convincing, since in other comparable open institutions we find similar relocation stories, for example, as the inmate Thomas reports about another open prison in the village of Realta in the canton of Grisons. Thomas, a 31 year-old male, explained he was a complete cripple because he had lost all his teeth and because his hand was full of surgical plastic and screws.
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He attributes this damaged hand precisely to his imprisonment in Realta. According to his story, he had been forced to work even though he had regularly consulted the doctor. Though the doctor had confirmed tendovaginitis, the institution had not believed him. Moreover, they had him relocated on purpose to another kind of work that damaged his hand even further. They had him suffer so long there that his hand was completely destroyed. In the hospital he had threatened to commit suicide in case if he was sent back to Realta. Here everything was better, one could talk to the staff and in particular there was not so much hassle about "shit" Cannabis as elsewhere.
If one got caught there was punishment and that was it. No additional harassment like the allocation of particularly bad work. This kind of treatment was common practice in all other institutions he knew. We can now ask ourselves what the competent narrator in the field has to report in order to introduce a story in this institution that blends in with the cultural theme of the place that is linked to the term of relocation.
He would have to explain that every institutional location within reach and all those he has gone through are more dangerous and worse than the one he is actually in. The stories with their immanent cognitive structure of relocation and the comparisons of other institutions to the "here and now" produce the structural power of language in this case in the form of explicit and implicit lessons.
Each of the persons present is subjected to this power.
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Due to the communicative permeability of the organization and because of the function of this language as a pointer toward different perspectives in the sense of a membership categorization device SILVERMAN, , pp. These stories refer to concepts of the sociology of religion since the report to recipients is about something non-experienced that is indicated in the current flow of communication.
But his non-experienced realms are generally being considered as possible outcomes in the real life of prisoners. The importance of such transcendences stored up narratively in the institutional culture of a prison is implied by the fact that they refer to a part of the "world" that the reporters and the listeners know very well from elsewhere—in religious stories: underworlds, hell s and other places that are—socially conveyed—and individually at hand as cognitive schemes of punishment for nonconformist action.
Seen from a theory of power perspective these stories represent an element for the effective production of co-operation through self-disciplining. In that way, the architecturally and, with regard to the governance, reformed and communicatively open prison becomes an apparatus of power in FOUCAULT's terms. In an open prison, a narrative microphysics of power spreads in such a way that the inmates subordinate themselves to the existing social order for having the privilege to communicate.
In correspondence with the theory of structuration we can see and hear within the field how bigger social formations are rendered topical and are stabilized. GIDDENS wrote: "All social systems, no matter how grand or far-flung, both express and are expressed in the routines of daily social life" , p. Everyday talk of inmates in open prison-practice, at first sight insignificant, describes and links the internal life in the organization with the outside and super-ordinate social structure of the penal system.
And it stabilizes the local order owing to its status of cultural theme in the sense of ethnographic semantics. Unfortunately this result also has less pleasant political consequences for the penal system: the humane punishment in open institutions with less restricted communication among inmates is probably only recognized if the grislier, high security institutions also exist and its conditions known to prisoners. This motivates the inmates in open prisons to cooperate and it allows the open prisons to function properly.
These articles also contain more information about encompassing analyses. These texts are available only in German. Arbeitsgruppe Bielefelder Soziologen Eds. Alltagswissen, Interaktion und gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit 2. Ethnotheorie und Ethnographie des Sprechens. Reinbek: Rowohlt. Berger, Peter L. Die gesellschaftliche Konstruktion der Wirklichkeit. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer. D'Andrade, Roy The development of cognitive anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Human motives and cultural models.
Foucault, Michel Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Frake, Charles O. Die ethnographische Erforschung kognitiver Systeme. In Arbeitsgruppe Bielefelder Soziologen Eds. Ethnotheorie und Ethnographie des Sprechens pp. Giddens, Anthony The constitution of society. Outline of the theory of structuration.
Cambridge: Polity Press. Cultural models in language and thought.
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