C'est faux! C'est absolument insupportable. En fait, il n'y en a pas. Avec le loup, il n'y a pas de cohabitation possible. La situation est impossible. Nous accueillons M. Jean-Pierre Isnard et M. Avant, nous vivions. Que faire?rioulabloorspi.tk/map24.php
Spirou et Fantasio
Ce fut dramatique. Cela se traduisait par une perte d'agneaux, de poids d'agneau. Les agneaux ne grossissaient plus. On nous a dit qu'il fallait acheter des chiens de protection, ce que nous avons fait. Il faut trois ans pour habituer un chien au troupeau et pour que le troupeau n'ait plus peur. Les cyclistes, les cavaliers, les promeneurs, tout le monde a peur des chiens.
Certains de nos voisins en avaient. Il faut supporter. Depuis que l'on doit supporter, nous supportons Il faut bien dormir un moment, car travailler vingt-quatre heures sur vingt-quatre, cela n'existe pas. Les moutons doivent rester libres. Nous avons l'amour des brebis et l'envie de faire ce travail comme il faut et nous ne pouvons accepter de les maltraiter en les faisant redescendre pour les parquer.
Je reste muet. Il a un molosse pour quarante brebis.
Aïe Aïe Aïe !
C'est la litanie habituelle. Nous passons en moyenne quatre mois en estive. Il a fallu improviser. Plus le parc est grand, moins la protection est efficace, en revanche, meilleures sont les conditions sanitaires. Qu'est-ce que cela change? Que peut-on faire de plus? C'est difficile. Il suffit de demander le nombre de personnes qui montent tel ou tel jour.
Sur mille personnes, j'en vois trois ou quatre cents. Cela dit, nombre de bergers de notre association ont eu affaire au loup. Le volet humain n'est jamais pris en compte, parce qu'un berger reste un berger. J'entends des bruits de toutes sortes. Nous aimerions que les choses soient claires. Eh bien, il n'en est rien! Passer quatre mois en estive, c'est un lieu de vie.
C'est faux. Il suscite de nombreuses candidatures. Je me posais beaucoup de questions sur le retour du loup. Dans la liste, on retrouve l'ours, le lynx et le loup. Pourquoi supprime-t-on cette phrase en du code de l'environnement? Nous posons la question. Effectivement, cela devient difficile d'installer des jeunes. C'est une question qu'il faut soulever. Or, les indemnisations ne couvrent pas la baisse du chiffre d'affaires.
Une baisse de notre revenu ne va pas dans le bon sens. Si oui, laquelle? Avez-vous des preuves sur ce point? Peut-on prendre des loups adultes, des louveteaux, les transporter? Y avait-il des loups dans les montagnes des Alpes-Maritimes? Les loups ont-ils disparu? Sinon, quel chiffre moyen pourrait-on avancer? Je l'affirme ici. Des tests d'ADN le prouvent. N'ont-ils pu venir seuls? Ne voulait-on pas renforcer la protection du loup? Je reprendrai les propos des Jeunes Agriculteurs sur un point.
Il faut savoir raison garder sur l'ensemble des points. Il en existe une, voire plusieurs. Le rapport de M. Comment cela se passait-il autrefois? La contradiction est insupportable. Ce n'est donc pas la cohabitation pacifique! Le loup est-il une cause de non-installation? Je souhaiterais disposer de la liste des communes en question. En avez-vous la preuve? Recensait-on alors les attaques de chiens errants?
J'ai lu des articles de presse sur ce sujet, y compris en France. Avez-vous eu connaissance les uns et les autres d'attaques d'enfants ou d'hommes par le loup? On ne l'a pas revu depuis. Est-il reparti dans les Abruzzes? On ne sait d'ailleurs pas non plus comment il est venu. Il y en a un sur ma circonscription. En cas d'accident, le maire est responsable.
Pourquoi le maire? Il n'est pas responsable. Nous laissons un message. Il y avait les morsures. Et cela bien que nous n'ayons jamais vu de chiens dans le Mercantour! Que faire alors des chiens? Les jeunes qui veulent s'installer viennent faire un tour, comprennent les conditions et se disent que ce n'est pas la peine. Je ne sais si la commission auditionnera M. Stahl et M. En Suisse, on comptabilise cinq loups. C'est du loup mythique du Mercantour que tout est venu. Elle touche la circonscription de M. Christian Estrosi. Le fait fut admis uniquement avec les analyses d'ADN.
Monsieur Bruno, vous qui vivez dans le parc du Mercantour, qu'en pensez-vous? Lorsque nous avons mis en place la commission, on traitait soit du pastoralisme en prenant en compte le loup, le lynx et l'ours, soit on traitait du loup et du pastoralisme. Je me tourne simplement vers M. Pour autant, tout le monde est respectable dans notre pays, vous comme moi. Je voudrais une clarification. Y a-t-il des circonstances favorisant ou non les attaques du loup? Quel est l'impact du chien errant?
Disposez-vous de chiffres? J'ai bien entendu M. Nous avons vu des meutes de huit ou neuf loups. On nous dit qu'un loup ne mange que deux ou trois kilos de viande. Il y a des montagnes de mille moutons, des montagnes de 3. On montait, on savait que sur telle montagne, on pouvait rassembler 1.
Il y avait une adjudication. Celui qui avait un gros troupeau avait besoin d'une grande superficie. La montagne que je loue peut accueillir 3. Je perds ce que me rapportaient les 1. Nous connaissons des attaques sur troupeaux. Je suis en tort si je tue un chien qui divague, mais s'il tue un mouton, j'ai le droit de l'abattre. Le lendemain, vous vous postez et tuez le chien.
Votre troupeau reprend les collines tranquilles.
On s'est fait mener par le bout du nez. Les chiens dormaient. Nous n'avons pas de solution. J'ai cinq patous. Il y a bien des conflits. Ils ont bien choisi leurs images. A vous d'en tirer les conclusions! Je reviens maintenant sur les morsures sur homme. On ne l'a pas cru. Depuis, plus de nouvelles. C'est vrai, pour autant qu'on peut les mettre en place.
On parle beaucoup des chiens errants. Quand elles interviennent, elles sont catastrophiques, parce qu'elles se passent dans un parc ou dans une bergerie. Bruno, ne reviennent pas deux fois, car on leur en retire l'envie. Les documents d'objectifs Natura mettaient en avant le pastoralisme, non le loup. Je ne reviens pas sur les protections. Je suis d'accord avec M. J'ai subi des attaques l'automne dernier. C'est un stress insupportable. Au reste, nous en sommes incapables. Nous vendons cher les agneaux. Nous sommes reconnaissants envers ceux qui les ont mis en place.
J'en viens au stress des animaux. Pour le loup, il existe une gamme de moyens de protection, dont l'enfermement des moutons tous les soirs. Grosjean, quand on a le cancer, inutile en plus d'avoir le sida! On ne sait jamais! Les moyens de protection sont-ils efficaces? Nous ne le savons que quand nous avons le chien. Parfois, les chiens sont efficaces, parfois non. Le flux touristique est de plus en plus important, car l'image du berger est vendue comme un produit de la montagne.
Nous faisons partie du kit vendu aux touristes. Ils suivent le cycle naturel. Il sait que cela peut arriver et que l'on fait alors ce que l'on peut. Dans le Loisin, tout le monde disait qu'il s'agissait de chiens, car les personnes estimaient que les. Les attaques commencent souvent ainsi. Je ne fais pas d'amalgame entre loups et chiens. J'aimerais que l'on mette en place d'autres solutions que celle de tuer des chiens. Je n'ai aucun autre moyen que de les tuer.
Notre secteur est inscrit dans Natura Avec les gardes du parc, l'on se tutoyait. Garder des moutons trente-cinq heures par semaine, cela n'existe pas, pas plus que soixante-dix heures! En revanche, quand des chiens, pendant trois mois dans des zones du Mercantour ne voient personne, le premier touriste qui arrive C'est alors qu'il y a parfois eu des morsures.
Il n'y a pas d'autres solutions que de les tuer. Ce n'est pas mon genre. Moi je les tue et je le dis. Or, ils ne le sont pas.
Lubitz' Leon Trotsky Bibliography: Chapter 7 - A part of Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet
Les gens tiendraient leur chien. Je souhaite que la commission aborde l'ensemble des aspects. Bonrepaux et M. Je vous remercie. En effet, il y a environ 3. C'est le cas par exemple des Appenins. Les conditions de travail des bergers ne sont donc pas faciles. I London, British Library, Harley , f. II BN ms. Douce , f. The Seine is on the left, i. From left to right: 1. Wechel, ; woodcut initially used in an earlier edition. Claude Levi-Strauss 1 This dissertation examines the visual representations of Diana, the chaste goddess of the hunt, in sixteenth-century French court imagery as a major example of how the intertwining of classical myth and allegory played a central role in shaping a new aesthetic and cultural identity at the French Renaissance court.
Based on this 1 Le Cru et le cuit Paris: Plon, , Actes du colloque. However, a consideration of the imagery in a wider context, including late-medieval traditions, reveals aspects that have not been previously considered and that are intimately tied to questions of artistic production and the emergence of a new style that defined French Renaissance art. It is the premise of this dissertation that Diana functioned as an emblematic image of the French Renaissance court and its aesthetics at large, and on a number of levels that go well beyond Diane de Poitiers. Whereas the association of Diana with queens of France and with France herself, figured as the moon, was made in early-sixteenth-century royal entries,5 this type of astrological connection became of great significance during the reign of Henri II.
Jourdan, mai , eds. Fanlo and M-D. Whereas mythological allegory was used in public, official ceremonies as political propaganda, its function in a more private courtly context may be regarded as an exercise in hermeneutics, where classical myth was understood as a literary legacy whose symbols could encompass multiple meanings simultaneously. To begin with, the apparent contradiction and tensions that arise from using the chaste Diana as a symbol of love and desire have to be further explored.
The Invention of Classicism Paris: Flammarion, , The coexistence of multiple meanings corresponds with the allegorical hermeneutics to be discussed in Part I of this dissertation. My study and analysis of a series of artistic projects have allowed me to draw previously unnoted connections, which may shed new light on the function and meaning of the images of Diana in the French Renaissance.
These include a fresh reading of the Nymph of Fontainebleau type and an analysis of the iconography of the Escalier Henri II at the Louvre, which has not been previously studied. This dissertation thus reinterprets the sixteenth-century images of Diana by connecting them directly to the French king, an association that, as I shall argue, is rooted in late-medieval literary traditions and courtly practices.
For example, a significant variable that structures the Diana theme in the French Renaissance is the hunt, a major courtly activity that was simultaneously a form of exercise, entertainment, and ritual. I also explore problems of a metapoetic nature, which are inherent to Diana as a symbolic figure, and also regard questions of representation and ideal beauty that are essential to French Renaissance aesthetics. My research has unearthed a rich literary and visual tradition stemming from profusely illustrated late-medieval manuscripts, which forms the basis of Part I.
Although these manuscripts were produced well into the sixteenth century, and some surviving exemplars can be traced back to the sixteenth-century royal libraries, they have not been sufficiently considered in accounts of French Renaissance art. Yet the consideration of an earlier manuscript culture and its continuity into the sixteenth century is essential for understanding Renaissance courtly culture. Although they differ in their individual descriptions and representations of Diana, a series of common themes emerge, such as the tensions between chastity and the representation of nudity, as well as the connection between chastity and knowledge.
Similar themes, though recast in terms that emphasize sensual beauty, can be seen through the increased production of mythological prints in the s.
Contents of Chapter 7
Both a way of eroticizing nudity and simultaneously raising questions about spectatorship, such images present the viewer with a problem of choice that is rooted in the moralizing tradition. The implication is that the moment of transformation has been relocated outside of the pictorial space, and that the viewer is transformed into both Actaeon and Paris, thereby completing the narrative.
My discussion explores how the picture duplicates the inherent structure of the principal tale whereby the encounter between the hunter and the goddess triggers the process of self-reflection and, together with its reference to the Judgment of Paris a central theme in the mirror for princes genre , functions as a didactic mirror image for courtiers. I have not attempted a systematic consideration of all the aspects or images of Diana produced in this period, but have instead concentrated on two overarching themes.
The first is of a historical nature and forms the basis of Parts I and II. Each part of the dissertation develops close readings of select images that may be seen as central to the problematics of Diana as a symbolic 10 On the iconographic method, see the revisions and new directions proposed in Iconography at the Crossroads, ed. These are not meant to represent the entire iconography of Diana in the French Renaissance, but should be taken as indexes of the larger picture.
Central to my analysis throughout the dissertation is the revision of the role traditionally attributed to Diane de Poitiers in the development of this iconography. Both Henri II and Diane de Poitiers made ample use of Diana imagery, but the reasons and ways in which they did so must be revised. Similarly, his preference for black and white was part of a more general courtly usage, as shall be discussed in Part III of this dissertation. The traditional iconographic connections between Diane de Poitiers and the figure of Diana may also be reconsidered.
With the exception of the Diane of Anet fountain sculpture and a medal that shows Diane de Poitiers on the obverse and an image of Diana trampling Cupid on the reverse, few of the presumed depictions of Diane as Diana can be firmly connected to her. The ambiguity is also attested in early sources. I, ; this particular mention is found in Document I, 13 dec Vie sociale et architecture Paris: Picard, , Dissertation, Columbia University, The idea of the Renaissance as a historical period was beginning to take shape at this time; it was mostly investigated in writings about the Italian Renaissance, whereas the notion of a French Renaissance was principally explored by romantic painters that mythologized it as a blossoming age of the arts.
Through her identification with Diana, Diane de Poitiers casts herself simultaneously as a chaste woman and muse for poets. En Sorbonne, les october Paris: Klincksieck, , Yet this was not unique to Diane de Poitiers but inherent to the representation of Diana and forms part of a series of metapoetic concerns prominent in sixteenth-century French courtly imagery, to be amply discussed in this dissertation. In sum, the link between Diane de Poitiers and Diana was indeed made at the time, but the association was not necessarily as extensive or personalized as it has been portrayed in modern scholarship.
On the Aesthetics of Hunting As has been acknowledged both by scholars who follow and question the Diane de Poitiers association, a major variable in the development of the Diana imagery is related to the aesthetics of the hunt. Indeed, it is within the sphere of hunting where the image of Diana first emerges in the sixteenth century, although her figure is already tied to a series of themes that go back to the medieval allegorical approach to classical myth.
This relationship was a recurrent preoccupation for poets of the French Renaissance court, for whom the court and castle surrounded by wooded areas came to be represent this dynamic. Opposed, but also reliant on one another, these two spaces castle and forest were the sites where quotidian courtly activities evolved, and the ones to structure the relationship between pleasure and intellect. Considered an elaborate art that required both strenuous physical abilities as well as accumulated wisdom, hunting may be understood as an intermediary space between these two spheres.
For the art of hunting was not only theorized through cynegetic treatises that go back to classical antiquity, and symbolized in art and literature as a metaphor for both war and love also ancient topoi , but it was the major recreational activity of a French king and his courtiers to the point that it determined the location of their castles.
Indeed, his express motivation for establishing Fontainebleau, the site that came to embody French Renaissance art, as one of his principal residences was its proximity to the hunting park. The insertion of a historical figure from the French court into a mythological landscape also became recurrent at Fontainebleau, as attested in a number of manuscript illuminations from the Commentaires de la guerre gallique BN Ms. In this sense, Diana stands at a crucial point between courtly practices and the intellectual revival of classical antiquity.
At the same time, Diana is emblematic of some of the major aesthetic concerns that define the French Renaissance. In the second volume of the Commentaires de la guerre gallique of BN Ms. In the corresponding manuscript illuminations, Diana appears as a lady, dressed in a courtly style, though identifiable through her bow and arrow as the goddess of the hunt.
Though surrounded by members from his court and no longer alone as in the Commentaires, the king alone seemingly has the ability to see the 1 The iconography of the Nymph of Fontainebleau and its connections to Diana are discussed in Part II. These two images represent the earlier and later stages in the French Renaissance figuration of Diana: traditionally depicted in the guise of a courtly lady in late-medieval manuscripts, she became increasingly associated with the reclining nude female type throughout the sixteenth century.
Yet, for all their differences, these two images share a common mythic structure, as well as a thematic connection: in both instances, the woods provide an entry into a mythological world in which the king experiences a vision or revelation; in both, Diana or figures closely related to her provide this revelation, one that, as will become evident, is connected to the acquisition of knowledge. As this first part of the dissertation will demonstrate, these representations of Diana derive from interdependent literary and visual traditions that go back to late-medieval mythographic manuscripts.
Thus, the analysis of these traditions is essential for understanding how and why Diana first became a major symbolic figure in sixteenth- century France. Vrin, , Na The strict application of this textual model to the understanding of certain images has been questioned. Picard, However, a full-fledged study of allegorical portraiture as a genre, in terms of its definition and subtleties in function, has yet to be developed.
Heckscher on the Occasion of his Ninetieth Birthday, eds. Koerner, , It is worthwhile to explore the connections between the textual and visual aspects of the mythographic tradition, which are of a complex nature and clearly more than a matter of common origins, according to which the visual tradition has been traditionally posited as derivative of its textual counterpart. In this first section, I will thus explore how the visual overlap between mythological figures and historical persona may be connected to the medieval mythographic tradition that provided historical or euhemeristic, physical, moral, and allegorical explanations of the pagan gods, as this will pave the way for understanding the ways in which Diana was represented and interpreted in late-medieval manuscript culture.
Mann Verlag, , In effect, the close ties between historical and mythological personae at the Northern courts might be seen as a reversal of this interpretive model. For a summary of the literary sources see Hugo Buchthal, Historia Troiana. Studies in the History of Mediaeval Secular Illustration. London: Warburg Institute, University of London, Benoit condensed both sources into his epic poem. In , a tapestry dedicated to the Trojan war was recorded in the collection of Louis, duke of Anjou. In the early fifteenth century, tapestries with the theme of Troy were also recorded in the inventories of Louis, duke of Orleans; Henry V, king of England; and the Duke of Exeter.
On these tapestries, see McKendrick, The composition of some tapestries was recorded in eighteenth-century drawings now at the Victoria and Albert Museum. From the various remaining fragments, art historians have concluded that the eleven-piece set was reproduced on various occasions for a number of different patrons. A Latin edition 17 See McKendrick, , on the possible motivations both for the fourteenth-century tapestries and for the renewed interest in the theme during the fifteenth century. Parisian Publisher It was produced under royal patronage, most probably first commissioned by the French Queen Jeanne de Bourgogne r.
Rabel 29 notes that in the early fourteenth century, the patronage of such literature was reserved for royal women; this shifts in the mid-fourteenth century with Jean Le Bon, the first French King to support significant translation projects. A comparison between the three earliest manuscripts shows an increasing predilection for the narrative mythological images: one-fifth of the scenes ca. In a manuscript from the later fourteenth century, only two out of fifty-seven images are allegorical Lyon BM Ms. The verses in the Lyon BM Ms. Gall and L.
Nicastri Napoli: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, , The earliest known illustrations of the Metamorphoses are marginalia decorating the borders of sixty-five pages of a manuscript at the Biblioteca Nazionale in Naples ms. IV F 3 , dated between the late eleventh century and the early twelfth century.
II and Diana and Actaeon Met. III -- chastity, nudity and visuality are the central themes, an emphasis introduced by Ovid with respect to his literary sources. This codex was most probably produced in Bari between the late eleventh and early twelfth century, and it is probably based on a transalpine model probably imported to Bari by the Normans.
As noted by Orofino , the number of illuminated manuscripts is so small that it is difficult to determine a pattern amongst them; out of the ca. Yet see the differing figures offered in J. Mann Verlag, , , n. London, See Lord , 7, for the medieval invention of new iconographic renditions of myths, due to the unavailability of classical imagery.
The connection between the vernacular and the visual traditions, as well as its implications, should be explored in a separate study. Lengthy descriptions of nudity are also rendered in the text, which offer more intricate details than those available in Ovid, only to then add on multiple moralizations; this particular emphasis may be connected to the type of anxieties revealed in contemporary courtly poetry, in which the poet struggles to explain love after all, the central subject and motivation of lyric poetry , and provides detailed descriptions only to then condemn the act.
In light of the allegorical renditions of the tale, this is also true of its medieval representations. As first proposed by K. Specific Ovidian traits such as style and narrative technique and their use in Renaissance texts have been amply discussed by literary critics. William S. For a summary of distinctive Ovidian features, see Kathryn L. McKinley, Reading the Ovidian Heroine. McKinley cites R. As parts of compilations that were especially conceived for her courtly patrons, these two manuscripts constitute significant evidence of her ideas, as well as of her appeal within the major courtly circles of France in the early-fifteenth century.
For this reason, they provide a suitable base for analyzing the connections between text and image of the Epistre Othea in the context of early-fifteenth-century French courtly culture. BN Ms. The allegory then proposes, prendrons pour Dyane Dieu du paradis, le quel est sans tache aucune […]. The allegory excerpt as translated: we shall take for Diana God of Paradise […]. The children of the planets is a genre connected to the astrological tradition in which the planetary gods impart various forms of influence or knowledge in connection to their traditional functions and attributes.
The quoted texts are part of the image captions provided in the manuscript, beneath the corresponding images; for these translations, see Chance, 45, This is especially true of the Epistre Othea as a work that is divided into relatively independent tales, all of which bear one corresponding image, and whose overall textual composition results from the assembling of numerous textual sources and hermeneutic approaches. This provides further evidence of the importance given to imagery in this book. I recently reached this conclusion, so it may be worth exploring further. I am grateful to Professor Ana Pairet for our discussions on this subject.
I thank Professor Ana Pairet for pointing out the connection between the Epistre as hypertext and our experience of hyperlinking on the internet. His courtly attire contrasts with their nudity and the luminosity of their long robes, which are suggestive of a drapery-like shielding device. Only the central figure is fully nude, and despite the textual emphasis on the transparency of the fountain, the water conceals the lower half of her body.
At the same time, the images are filled with warning signs: looming behind and above the women is a stag whose body emerges from the darkness of the dense forest, while his antlers are mingled into the leaves of the trees. However, this comparison is based on the juxtaposition of two images without taking into account the bigger picture: by juxtaposing only the images of the Arsenal Ms. A close examination of the four images as an interrelated group shows that this is not a binary question of eroticizing nudity versus chastity, but that there are elements of both in every image.
The space is arranged so that the male figure seems to have come around the bath, in order to arrive at his final shape as a stag. In the light of the Clouet painting, however, this needs to be revised. A printed edition of the Epistre discussed below also includes the image of Actaeon arriving on horseback. In Autres Balades, Diana provides an intellectual model, thus reinforcing the aspect first presented in the Epistre.
The solution to the dilemma is then presented in the XIV ballad, in which Pallas is coupled with Diana, in opposition of Fortune and Venus. Dulac and B. For the quote, see In other instances, however, Thamar is shown painting religious works. As a writer, Christine also follows her father, who was a well-known astrologer at the court of Charles V. Yet, in the examples provided by Delcourt --including Joan of Arc-- it does not appear that this model of behavior has a direct connection to Diana. In general terms, however, it is questionable that Diana was seen as a masculine figure in mythographic writings and visual representations, which, despite her activity as huntress, tend to underline, idealize, or desire her female body a theme developed in the following parts of this dissertation.
France , eds. There are six surviving manuscripts of the Glose, variously dated between the early and later fifteenth century, three of which are richly illuminated, and whose images provide a significant iconographic source for representations of Diana. In order to distinguish between the two, I will follow the designation used by Reginald Hyatte see below : Echecs referring to the original poem, and Glose to the prose commentary. It should be noted that the Ms. The manuscript has been broadly dated to the second half of the fifteenth century by Hyatte , based on the marriage date of Rolin and Ailly.
For BN Ms. On Robinet Testard, see Patrick M. Indeed, it was the norm to commission such books of the mirror for princes genre since an early age. However, the implications of the function of this text as an educative manual for the future king and its importance for the later development of the figure of Diana have not been analyzed. Thus, the Echecs inscribes itself in the tradition of courtly romances in which the chessgame functions as a metaphor to explain the nature of love; inevitably, the chessgame always results in checkmate, and within this tradition, love is synonymous with inescapable suffering.
Like the narrator of the Roman de la rose, the poet-narrator opens his tale by recalling an adventure of his youth; the Echecs begins when the goddess Nature appeared to the young poet while still in bed a typical device used to initiate a vision. She invites him to travel the world while following the path of reason, which is more advisable than that of sensuality, the other path available for humans. Mercury asks him whether Paris was correct in his judgment of the three goddesses, a recurrent theme in late-medieval poetry that was symbolic of the three paths of life: active, contemplative, sensual.
The insertion of the Judgment of Paris --one of the predominant mythological episodes in medieval literature, because of its inclusion in the Trojan narratives-- is innovative here with regard to the Roman de la Rose, and may be seen as a rewriting of the Rose in that this scene replaces the fountain of Narcissus in function. See also E. In her analysis of the poem, Gally proposes that the Echecs simplifies the Roman de la rose in order to present the message that love is a necessary step for achieving maturity; thus, the 94 For this summary of the narrative, see Guichard Tesson and Roy, In doing so, she rewrites them within the mythographic tradition.
For the ideas summarized in this paragraph, see Gally, She is first enumerated along with the other planetary gods, whose attributes are first described and then interpreted, one by one Ms.
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As previously discussed with regards to the Echecs of the fourteenth century, Diana takes on an intellectual position in which she interprets more than twenty Ovidian tales as a warning on the dangers of following Venus. For immediately after the image of Venus thanking the protagonist for his choice Ms. This scene contrasts with its equivalent in Ms.
Could it be that the protagonist of the Glose in contradiction with its original source gives heed to Diana? Indeed, the Glose does not include the final section of the original Echecs poem, and the final image presented in Ms. As noted by Myra D.
Wilson-Chevalier and E. While R. In , Louise de Savoie was moved from Cognac to Amboise together with her two children by the king; and in , Louis XII called his nephew to the court. She also appears in an allegorical presentation as Euphrosine, one of the three graces Ms. Lecoq notes that there are some marginal notes next to the drawing, that show a connection to Marguerite, who appears as Diana. The first volume Leningrad, State Library Ms. As noted by Lecoq 77 , Thenaud called Demoulins his master and inspiration.
Although the texts do not mention Louise by name, the references to her son in text and image, shows they must have been dedicated to Louise, and not to the Queen who had no son. It is also worth pointing out that the frontispiece of Ms. Furthermore, the careful visual distinctions made in Ms. If Ms. On the other hand, Ms. Cahiers Diderot no. Edited by Bernard Bailluad et al. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, , Also see Lecoq, 90, on the collaboration between Demoulins, the illuminator and the scribe, even in the incorporation of the celebrated typographic innovations of the Hypnerotomachia.
In the Songe du vieil pelerin, which was conceived as a mirror for princes and a manual on the art of governing, the pieces of the chess game symbolize the virtues and actions of a prince. This may be yet another possible reason for the emphasis in the illuminations of Ms. Guichard Tesson and Roy, I have checked their version based on Ms. As he continues to expound on the nature of love, the commentator emphasizes that love is an internal force to be controlled, and not one resulting of external forces, as has been naively thought f.
A manuscript of the Rose Bodl. In both works, Diana, depicted in the guise of a noble lady, embodies a type of wisdom and acts as a guide for the protagonist as he travels through the forest. While he was actively engaged in a stag hunt f. She is shown together with Aurora, who holds the sun in her hand and arrives on a chariot. Germain en Laye --a reference to the first volume of the Commentaires. On the Commentaires and Louise, see Orth, 81, and Lecoq, Also note the drawings of battle machines f. On its connections to intellectual knowledge in the Commentaires, see Boccassini, In a parallel tradition, the stag is also symbolized as the soul.
The new legal status of the stag may well have influenced later depictions of the hunt and should be considered when studying images of the hunt in the sixteenth century. Unlike Actaeon and other mortal hunters, the king has the unique privilege to interact with Diana and her followers, as is also evidenced by the later Louvre drawing. Might we find here another allusion to the Echecs and to the Judgment of Paris albeit its reversal, for the king, who begins his path as a young Paris, now takes on the attributes of the god associated with wisdom?
As seen in this first chapter, a number of the sixteenth-century obsessions with classical mythology were already being set into place in the private realm of late-medieval manuscript culture. Henri Chevreul Paris: Aubry, , On the sixteenth-century tapestries of this theme, see E. Two South- Netherlandish tapestry sets of this same theme, dating to the early-sixteenth century, are in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Grec It is also a culmination of the textual traditions explored throughout this chapter. On the other hand, he was putting all this to use in a new way, so as to embark the king on a major intellectural enterprise: the recovery of classical antiquity.
This is where the king calls for Diana to speak again in Latin. Although the binary opposition between Minerva and Diana departs from the late- medieval mythographic tradition, in which the two are often paired for sharing values and overlapping in function, the respective personifications of intellectual and bodily Ibid. The roots of this decision go back to the long-standing symbolic association between the stag and the French king, as is visually implied in the culminating miniature of the second volume of the Commentaires de la guerre gallique.
In turn, these hunting lodges were turned into cultural centers of which Fontainebleau is a remarkable example , initiating the construction and development of a new aesthetic. Here too, hunting seems to have provided the initial impulse for the recovery of antiquity. Yet these relationships are not a question of cause and effect, but should be understood as a web of accumulated traditions and experiences, where each feeds into the other. Indeed, before the development in the s of the Nymph of Fontainebleau type herself closely connected to Diana , no other female mythological figure had been so intimately associated with the French king.
While legendary heroes such as Paris and Hercules provided didactic models, even alter-egos, for kings and princes, the only mythological woman to interact with the king on such a level was Diana. Abrams, , , for a chronology of the rebuilding of Fontainebleau. For a succinct outline of the painted and sculptural projects undertaken between and , see Indeed, the Nymph of Fontainebleau, in all her variations, became one of the most depicted mythological figures of the period, and embodies some of the fundamental notions that shaped the aesthetics of the French Renaissance.
The terminology used to describe this figurative type as the Nymph of Fontainebleau is a modern notion. However, in light of the early-modern understanding PM 7. The catalog entry of the Ottawa Fontainebleau exhibition will be henceforth referred to as Zerner The construction of the Galerie was achieved in ; the stuccoes were in place by ; the paintings were completed in In fact, as will be demonstrated, this figurative type tends to encompass multiple meanings and visual associations.
In a number of the variations, the Nymph becomes conflated with Diana, an image that came to dominate mythological representations at the mid-sixteenth-century court. I begin with a close reading of the Nymph of Fontainebleau type and of her transformation into the goddess of the hunt as seen in the variations that resulted from the advent of printed sources used to disseminate royal imagery. These developments need to be contextualized within the history of printmaking in Renaissance France, starting with the etchings produced at Fontainebleau during the early s, and followed by the commercialization of Fontainebleau imagery through engravings at the main printing centers in Paris.
This chapter also places the Nymph of Fontainebleau within the wider context of Ovidian poetics in sixteenth-century France by analyzing the development of illustrated and printed texts of the Metamorphoses. As seen through this lens, the Ovidian pool or source provided a flexible setting for the continuous flowing of one poetic form into another, where one mythological figure can take on multiple identities and the female body becomes conflated with the source itself.
When the three components of the engraving image, inscriptions, frame are analyzed in conjunction, this work reveals itself as a complex object that provides a significant insight into the veiled use of sensual, mythological metaphor in Fontainebleau aesthetics, and its dissemination through print.
This leads to a revised understanding of the Diana imagery that inundated the mid-sixteenth-century court, and to the consideration of major yet understudied works that provide a new insight into the meaning of this imagery. However, as first noted in Louis Dimier, Le Primatice: peintre, sculpteur et architecte des rois de France. Although most recent discussions of the print doubt that the work was intended for the Galerie, Bardon , ; Carroll , no. While some scholars believe that the mention of Diana in the inscription of the engraving cannot refer to the figure inside the frame and that it instead denotes a separate work, the underlying implications of why and how the Nymph would have served as a complementary figure to a supposed statue of Diana, as mentioned in the inscription, have not been explored.
The question of whether the Nymph is conflated with Diana on a more implicit level has not been taken into consideration either. As for the engraving, little is known about the circumstances of its production, and much less is known about its function, a matter that has not been addressed specifically. Bernard had loaned Milan money on various occasions, and in , Milan had given Bernard five engraved plates as a guarantee for a loan Metman, , XII.
This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. We believe this work is culturally impor Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts 1 We have not used OCR Optical Character Recognition , as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. Baby, you can drive our car. I have included in this book information on how constipation occurs and what contributes to constipation—and some of these facts m Valshara has fallen, and the forces of Angraal are advancing.
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