A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17

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He turned the matter over to Mr. Philip, the embassy's Charge d'Affaires. He endorsed the WPA plan without qualification and was optimistic about its implementation. Philip took up the proposal with Halil Bey, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and presented his case to the ministry staff. In the meantime, Jacob attempted to get other influential Turks interested in the plan. The Foreign Minister stated that the Association proposal had made a strong and favorable impression on the Turkish government. This gave Jacob time to get other influential people interested in the WPA plan.

He approached men known to hold the ear of the Minister of War, including Dr. Jacob found the Red Crescent official reasonable and amenable to the Association's proposal. After hearing the plan, he assured Jacob that he would urge its acceptance by both the Minister of War and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. This lead was not pursued, however, after the U. Philip promised to reopen negotiations personally with Enver Pasha, but, due to suspicion within the Ottoman government regarding foreigners, it would take time.

The Turks were even mistrustful of foreign representatives visiting prison camps. Philip had repeatedly requested that the government send American representatives to the major prison compounds, but the Ottomans had categorically denied them entry. Consul, Mr. Brissell, worked to improve the prisoners' meager rations. In August, the survivors marched to Asia Minor for final internment, either in prison camps or in labor detachments the Turks assigned many of the POWs to work on the Anatolia segment of the Berlin-to-Baghdad railroad. In November , an official British report declared that 3, British and Indian POWs from Kut-el-Amara had died in Turkish captivity, and an additional 2, were missing and presumed dead.

Von Spiegelfeld hoped that the Ottomans would take advantage of this philanthropic opportunity to provide relief for Allied POWs in Turkey. This introduction gave the World's Alliance a foot in the door of the Ottoman Empire. In addition, Frederic Penfield, U. Ambassador to Austria-Hungary, wrote an official letter of introduction for Phildius to present to Ambassador Elkus in Constantinople.

After occupying the Association building in November , the embassy staff used the facility for POW relief work, distributing various necessities from their home governments to prisoners of war. This relief work was now centralized in the Association building. The ground floor served as offices and a waiting room. Additional offices, a packing room, and an inspection room were set up on the second floor.

The third floor became a storeroom for overcoats, suits, underwear, boots, towels, soap, brushes, medicine, cocoa, tea, and other articles destined for POWs. The embassy staff labeled, packed, and shipped these goods to war prisoners scattered across Asia Minor. Van Bommel participated in this relief work in conjunction with American embassy personnel.

As a result, the Netherlands legation took over the diplomatic interests of Britain, France, Russia, and Serbia, formerly cared for by the American government, including taking over the lease and operations of the Constantinople Association. Van Bommel, a Dutch national, was assigned to the Netherlands Consulate. The Dutch government asked if the American Association could continue to pay his wages, especially since Van Bommel's work was similar to the duties performed by WPA secretaries in Europe.

The International Committee accepted this arrangement. The one drawback to Van Bommel's position was that he could not visit POWs in the field, but would have to remain in Constantinople. Van Bommel supervised twenty-five workers to provide supplies for roughly fifteen thousand Allied prisoners.

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POW relief work included correspondence with prisoners and their governments regarding the location and condition of the POWs , maintaining an information bureau, and buying and distributing supplies and money clothing, boots, comforts, and other goods to POWs in various camps. Members argued that while the Turks might be more humane than the Germans, the conditions prisoners faced were far worse. They estimated that almost half of the British and Indian POWs held by the Turks had died by the summer of , and that their living standards had to be improved. The resulting Bern Agreement was signed in December , but the Turks did not ratify the document until April This document addressed many vital issues.

The first part dealt with the repatriation of wounded POWs. Under the treaty, three hundred British and seven hundred Indian invalid prisoners were to be immediately exchanged for 1, Turkish invalids. In addition, future POWs with specific disabilities would be immediately repatriated. The repatriations were to be conducted at sea on an exchange ship that sailed from Alexandria bound for Scala Nuova, near Smyrna, which would also carry food and clothing for Allied POWs in Turkish prisons. By September , the process of repatriation had not yet begun.

The British government demanded that the German and Austro-Hungarian governments guarantee the safety of this relief ship from submarines. The English attempted to work through the Anglo-German Conference underway at The Hague, as well as through the Spanish ambassador in Vienna, the Swedish minister in London, and the Dutch minister in Constantinople, all without results. Even if the Central Power governments extended the guarantee, it would take ten weeks to inform U-boats at sea of the order. This section included physical concerns such as lodging, sanitation, supplies, and physical activities, and also issues of paramount importance to the YMCA and its WPA activities.

The treaty guaranteed each nation the right to prison camp visits, and to organize and promote self-help committees. The treaty also made accommodations for religious services and improved communication with and information about POWs. The British government had proven ineffective in sending food and clothing to their imprisoned soldiers.

Limited transportation meant supplies took many months sometimes a year to arrive, if they survived the journey at all. To circumvent the transportation problem, the government forwarded money to POWs to purchase their own provisions, but inflation in Turkey severely depreciated paper currency and made it difficult for POWs to purchase bread, sugar, or potatoes. Prisoners also could not afford coal during the cold winter months in the mountains of Anatolia. Because conditions were so bad, the Prisoners in Turkey Committee recommended that all British and Indian prisoners held by the Ottomans for eighteen months or longer be exchanged immediately.

The major drawback to this plan, however, was the lack of repatriation points. While some prisoners were exchanged between the lines in Mesopotamia in , a similar exchange would have been difficult in Palestine in due to the fluid situation on this front. Bulgaria, Austria-Hungary, and Switzerland were potential exchange points that had yet to be explored.

First, the English attempted to purchase goods in Constantinople and Aleppo, with limited success. Then the British government decided to send food and clothing parcels via Switzerland through either the American Express Company or the international postal system. While this system succeeded in getting goods directly to British POWs, only ten pounds of food per prisoner-and no clothing-was transported to the Ottoman Empire between February and September During that same period, English POWs in Germany each received six hundred pounds of food and two outfits of clothing.

Despite initial objections from the War Office, which was concerned with delivery guarantees, the House of Commons voted in August to increase food and clothing shipments to British POWs in Turkey. The War Office authorized relatives to send one hundred pounds of food monthly, clothing, and one blanket to British officers.

Care committees could send sixty pounds of food monthly, winter clothing including a greatcoat , and a blanket to POWs of other ranks. In addition, the War Office agreed to send a reserve of clothing and blankets equal to one-quarter of the quantity dispatched in individual parcels by relatives and care committees to the Dutch minister in Constantinople.

Food supplies for four months for officers and men, along with clothing for the ranks, would also be shipped from Alexandria. De Lessow arranged an interview for Phildius with Enver Pasha, provided his personal car for the appointment, and personally introduced him to the Minister of War. The Turkish secretary scheduled a meeting the next day at the War Office between Phildius and two representatives of the Ministry of War and two delegates from the Red Crescent Society.

Phildius also included a deadline for an official reply, February 16, because he planned to leave soon for Geneva via the Balkans. During the meeting, Phildius outlined the services WPA secretaries provided and the privileges they enjoyed. He then offered the services of three neutral secretaries in the Ottoman Empire. The group discussed Phildius' memo point by point. Refik Bey was especially interested in this document, and promised to do everything in his power to get an official reply from Enver Pasha as soon as possible.

Phildius wanted to lay a stronger diplomatic foundation for future negotiations if the Ottoman government failed to respond to his proposal before his departure date. Under this order, the World's Alliance gained a number of privileges, including the appointment of three neutral secretaries; visitation to all the camps, working detachments including the Baghdad and other railroad projects , and hospitals where POWs were located; free transportation of WPA goods; permission to accept requests from prisoners for transmission to the War Prisoners' Section of the Ministry of War; distribution of money, extra food, clothing, and medicine to needy POWs; construction of huts in convenient places, equipped with reading and writing rooms, libraries which included the Holy Scriptures , and games, plus permission to organize concerts, cinematographic performances, and religious services; and permission to arrange workshops for the manufacture of small articles by POWs to be sold for their benefit.

The degree of service allowed in the Ottoman Empire for Allied prisoners was directly related to the level of operations undertaken for Turkish POWs in Allied camps. Phildius did not consider this "condition" too onerous, and as soon as he reached Geneva he contacted the senior secretaries in the Allied countries to procure official documents. Phildius accepted this requirement as well, since it would allow Association secretaries to visit prison compounds and labor detachments scattered throughout the Turkish interior, and it would give the secretaries an "official" status, an important consideration when dealing with prison commandants and minor Ottoman government officials.

In addition, travel for WPA secretaries would be rendered both easier and safer. Turkey was rampant with brigands who often attacked and robbed travelers. Secretaries traveled by horseback, especially when visiting railroad construction projects, and any official government presence would increase their chances of arriving safely.

The railroad official welcomed Association aid and promised to help the organization wherever possible. The presence of these official commission representatives would also help the YMCA win the confidence and appreciation of the Ministry of War. Phildius concluded that the War Office distrusted everybody, including neutrals.

When the members of this commission got to know the WPA secretaries through daily contact and observed their "correct and loyal conduct" in dealing with Turkish authorities as well as Allied POWs, the resulting familiarity would greatly aid the Association's POW work in Turkey.

Phildius' diplomacy represented a major breakthrough. The Turkish government prohibited neutral legations personnel from visiting prison camps, although they continued to serve as collection depots for food, clothing, and money distributed to POWs through official Turkish channels. Van Bommel had considerable experience both in the country and in POW relief work, and was eager to undertake such service.

As a result, Phildius planned to appoint him as Senior Secretary. Major Kiemal Bey, however, rejected Van Bommel. Although the Turks had nothing personally against the Dutch national, they did not consider him "perfectly neutral. The Constantinople Association was considered an American organization, and had been rumored to be involved in espionage. That the Turkish government had rejected Van Bommel was disappointing, but he would serve a valuable role as counsel for WPA secretaries after they arrived. Mott for the financial support necessary to begin WPA operations in Turkey.

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The International Committee had already authorized funding for one secretary and the construction of two Association huts in the Ottoman Empire. He was an intelligent businessman and an active YMCA worker. All three men spoke English, French, and German, which made them ideal candidates.

Phildius also pressed Mott to provide funding for the additional secretaries because trips into the Anatolian interior would be time-consuming, and a third secretary was necessary to maintain operations at the WPA headquarters planned for Constantinople. Phildius believed that at least three of these prison compounds had large enough inmate populations to erect an Association hut. Smaller prison camps and POWs working in labor detachments could be served by Association tents, where secretaries could set up reading and writing rooms, social rooms, and simple shelter.

Prior to the war, the young man had worked for an English insurance company, and he came recommended by Van Bommel. Salaries for workers in the headquarters would need to be high, in response to the sixteen-fold increase in Turkish prices since November due to wartime inflation. Phildius estimated salaries at one hundred Turkish pounds, or 1, francs per month. He had gone over the finances needed for a WPA program in Turkey, and estimated that the Association would need at least , francs during This high estimate reflected the great need of Allied POWs in that country, focusing on clothing, blankets, medicine, extra food, and buildings for social activities and divine worship.

Because over 40 percent of the POWs held in the Ottoman Empire had died, Phildius was anxious to begin as soon as possible "to bring a ray of light into the hearts and lives of some of the poorest and most miserable men" without delay. Yet several problems slowed the introduction of Association secretaries. The British government pressed for a negotiated political settlement with the Ottomans to improve POW conditions. The British not only had to negotiate with the Ottoman regime for access to POWs, but with colonial administrations as well.

Controversy erupted between the Indian and Turkish governments in February when the colonial government stopped issuing bread to Turkish officers in India at government rates. In retaliation, the Ottomans ended the same privilege for British officers held in Turkish prisons. The bread reprisal stalled talks until the Indian government relented in September and resumed bread distribution at reduced rates. But Turkish authorities were equally slow to implement the concluded agreements. He resumed the British offensive, capturing Baghdad in March The greatest threat to the Turks lay in Palestine.

Allenby began his offensive in October , and soon breached the Ottoman defenses at Gaza. By December , Allenby had captured Jerusalem. Although some British forces were transferred from the Egyptian Expeditionary Force to the Western Front in the spring of to counter the massive German invasion, Allenby and his Arab allies were poised to strike north into Syria. Ewing immediately contacted Phildius and Archibald C. Phildius was stymied by the lack of financial resources and wrote to the International Committee in September seeking funds.

More importantly, the military situation in the Near East had clearly swung against the Ottoman Empire. During the summer of , the British and the Arabs conducted a campaign in the Trans-Jordan.

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In September , Allenby launched a massive offensive and decisively defeated the Turks and Germans at the Battle of Megiddo. From September 19 to October 31, the British captured seventy-five thousand Central Power prisoners including 3, German and Austro-Hungarian troops , out of a total Ottoman force of , men.

Times politics editor Carolyn Ryan said: "It's a rare thing for us to use this language in our stories, even in quotes, and we discussed it at length," ultimately deciding to publish it because of its news value and because "[t]o leave it out or simply describe it seemed awkward and less than forthright to us, especially given that we would be running a video that showed our readers exactly what was said.

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Its printed weekday circulation dropped by 50 percent to , copies from to Formerly a joint venture with The Washington Post named The International Herald Tribune , The New York Times took full ownership of the paper in and has gradually integrated it more closely into its domestic operations. The New York Times began publishing daily on the World Wide Web on January 22, , "offering readers around the world immediate access to most of the daily newspaper's contents.

In September , the paper decided to begin subscription-based service for daily columns in a program known as TimesSelect , which encompassed many previously free columns. It pains me enormously because it's cut me off from a lot, a lot of people, especially because I have a lot of people reading me overseas, like in India I feel totally cut off from my audience. Although beginning in April , the number of free-access articles was halved to just ten articles per month. Any reader who wanted to access more would have to pay for a digital subscription. This plan would allow free access for occasional readers, but produce revenue from "heavy" readers.

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Some content, such as the front page and section fronts remained free, as well as the Top News page on mobile apps. Sullivan announced that for the first time in many decades, the paper generated more revenue through subscriptions than through advertising. The newspaper's website was hacked on August 29, , by the Syrian Electronic Army , a hacking group that supports the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. The food section is supplemented on the web by properties for home cooks and for out-of-home dining. The New York Times Cooking cooking. The newspaper's restaurant search nytimes.

In February , The New York Times Company reported increased revenue from the digital-only subscriptions, adding , new subscribers to a total of 2. Digital advertising also saw growth during this period. At the same time, advertising for the print version of the journal fell. It was created via a collaboration between the newspaper and Microsoft. Times Reader takes the principles of print journalism and applies them to the technique of online reporting. Times Reader uses a series of technologies developed by Microsoft and their Windows Presentation Foundation team.

In , The New York Times created an app for the iPhone and iPod Touch which allowed users to download articles to their mobile device enabling them to read the paper even when they were unable to receive a signal. In , the newspaper also launched an app for Android smartphones, followed later by an app for Windows Phones.

The New York Times began producing podcasts in Several of the Times podcasts were cancelled in The Spanish language version features increased coverage of news and events in Latin America and Spain. The expansion into Spanish language news content allows the newspaper to expand its audience into the Spanish speaking world and increase its revenue. The project was led by Craig S. Smith on the business side and Philip P.

Pan on the editorial side. The site's initial success was interrupted in October that year following the publication of an investigative article [b] by David Barboza about the finances of Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao 's family. Despite Chinese government interference, however, the Chinese-language operations have continued to develop, adding a second site, cn. The China operations also produce three print publications in Chinese. Traffic to cn.

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The editor-in-chief of the Chinese platforms is Ching-Ching Ni. Because of holidays, no editions were printed on November 23, ; January 2, ; July 4, ; January 2, ; and January 1, Because of strikes , the regular edition of The New York Times was not printed during the following periods: []. The New York Times editorial page is often regarded as liberal.

Eisenhower in ; since , it has endorsed the Democratic Party nominee in every presidential election see New York Times presidential endorsements. The New York Times was criticized for the work of reporter Walter Duranty , who served as its Moscow bureau chief from through Duranty wrote a series of stories in on the Soviet Union and won a Pulitzer Prize for his work at that time; however, he has been criticized for his denial of widespread famine, most particularly the Ukrainian famine in the s.

Von Hagen found Duranty's reports to be unbalanced and uncritical, and that they far too often gave voice to Stalinist propaganda. In comments to the press he stated, "For the sake of The New York Times' honor, they should take the prize away. AND then there was failure: none greater than the staggering, staining failure of The New York Times to depict Hitler's methodical extermination of the Jews of Europe as a horror beyond all other horrors in World War II — a Nazi war within the war crying out for illumination.

According to Frankel, harsh judges of The New York Times "have blamed 'self-hating Jews ' and ' anti-Zionists ' among the paper's owners and staff. Then, too, papers owned by Jewish families, like The Times, were plainly afraid to have a society that was still widely anti-Semitic misread their passionate opposition to Hitler as a merely parochial cause.

Even some leading Jewish groups hedged their appeals for rescue lest they be accused of wanting to divert wartime energies. At The Times, the reluctance to highlight the systematic slaughter of Jews was also undoubtedly influenced by the views of the publisher, Arthur Hays Sulzberger. He believed strongly and publicly that Judaism was a religion, not a race or nationality — that Jews should be separate only in the way they worshiped. He thought they needed no state or political and social institutions of their own.

He went to great lengths to avoid having The Times branded a Jewish newspaper. He resented other publications for emphasizing the Jewishness of people in the news. In the same article, Frankel quotes Laurel Leff , associate professor of journalism at Northeastern University , who concluded that the newspaper had downplayed the Third Reich targeting of Jews for genocide. Her book Buried by the Times documents the paper's tendency before, during and after World War II to place deep inside its daily editions the news stories about the ongoing persecution and extermination of Jews, while obscuring in those stories the special impact of the Nazis' crimes on Jews in particular.

Leff attributes this dearth in part to the complex personal and political views of the newspaper's Jewish publisher, Arthur Hays Sulzberger , concerning Jewishness , antisemitism , and Zionism. After Ochs death in , his son-in-law Arthur Hays Sulzberger became the publisher of The New York Times and maintained the understanding that no reporting should reflect on The Times as a Jewish newspaper. Sulzburger shared Ochs' concerns about the way Jews were perceived in American society.

His apprehensions about judgement were manifested positively by his strong fidelity to the United States. At the same time, within the pages of The New York Times, Sulzburger refused to bring attention to Jews, including the refusal to identify Jews as major victims of the Nazi genocide. To be sure, many reports of Nazi-authored slaughter identified Jewish victims as "persons.

Laurence was "on the payroll of the War Department ". The Times supported the invasion of Iraq. Bush administration 's position, for which The New York Times later apologized. In May , The New York Times reporter Jayson Blair was forced to resign from the newspaper after he was caught plagiarizing and fabricating elements of his stories.

Some critics contended that African-American Blair's race was a major factor in his hiring and in The New York Times ' initial reluctance to fire him. The newspaper was criticized for largely reporting the prosecutors' version of events in the Duke lacrosse case. Stuart Taylor Jr. The study authors said that the Times was "the most slanted in a pro-Israeli direction" with a bias "reflected For its coverage of the Israeli—Palestinian conflict , some such as Ed Koch have claimed that the paper is pro-Palestinian, while others such as As'ad AbuKhalil have insisted that it is pro-Israel.

Foreign Policy , by political science professors John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt , alleges that The New York Times sometimes criticizes Israeli policies but is not even-handed and is generally pro-Israel. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected a proposal to write an article for the paper on grounds of lack of objectivity. A piece in which Thomas Friedman commented that praise awarded to Netanyahu during a speech at congress was "paid for by the Israel lobby" elicited an apology and clarification from its writer.

In February , a Village Voice music blogger accused the newspaper of using "chintzy, ad-hominem allegations" in an article on British Tamil music artist M. National Security Agency warrantless surveillance program. Contact with former agency officials began the previous summer. In , PBS Frontline interviewed Risen and Lichtblau, who said that the newspaper's plan was to not publish the story at all. Another reporter told NPR that the newspaper "avoided disaster" by ultimately publishing the story. On June 16, , The New York Times published an article reporting the deaths of six Irish students staying in Berkeley , California when the balcony they were standing on collapsed, the paper's story insinuating that they were to blame for the collapse.

The paper stated that the behavior of Irish students coming to the U. Bernstein, whose wife owns two nail salons, asserted that such illegally low wages were inconsistent with his personal experience, and were not evidenced by ads in the Chinese-language papers cited by the story. In September and October , nail salon owners and workers protested at The New York Times offices several times, in response to the story and the ensuing New York State crackdown.

Epstein additionally argued that The New York Times had mistranslated the ads cited in its answer to Bernstein, and that those ads actually validated Bernstein's argument. A study found that The New York Times fed into an overarching tendency towards national bias. During the Iranian nuclear crisis the newspaper minimized the "negative processes" of the United States while overemphasizing similar processes of Iran.

This tendency was shared by other papers such as The Guardian , Tehran Times , and the Fars News Agency , while Xinhua News Agency was found to be more neutral while at the same time mimicking the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China.

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In April , two black female employees in their sixties filed a federal class action lawsuit against The New York Times Company CEO Mark Thompson and chief revenue officer Meredith Levien, claiming age , gender , and racial discrimination. The plaintiffs claimed that the Times advertising department favored younger white employees over older black employees in making firing and promotion decisions. The New York Times public editor ombudsman Elizabeth Spayd wrote in that "Conservatives and even many moderates, see in The Times a blue-state worldview" and accuse it of harboring a liberal bias.

Spayd did not analyze the substance of the claim, but did opine that the Times is "part of a fracturing media environment that reflects a fractured country. That in turn leads liberals and conservatives toward separate news sources. I want us to be perceived as fair and honest to the world, not just a segment of it.

It's a really difficult goal. Do we pull it off all the time? Times public editor Arthur Brisbane wrote in "When The Times covers a national presidential campaign, I have found that the lead editors and reporters are disciplined about enforcing fairness and balance, and usually succeed in doing so. Across the paper's many departments, though, so many share a kind of political and cultural progressivism — for lack of a better term — that this worldview virtually bleeds through the fabric of The Times.

In mid, the newspaper's then-public editor Daniel Okrent , wrote an opinion piece in which he said that The New York Times did have a liberal bias in news coverage of certain social issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage. He stated that this bias reflected the paper's cosmopolitanism , which arose naturally from its roots as a hometown paper of New York City.

Donald Trump has frequently criticized The New York Times on his Twitter account before and during his presidency; since November , Trump has referred to the Times as "the failing New York Times" in a series of tweets. Sanders's campaign, but it hasn't always taken it very seriously. The tone of some stories is regrettably dismissive, even mocking at times. Some of that is focused on the candidate's age, appearance and style, rather than what he has to say.

The Times has developed a national and international "reputation for thoroughness" over time. Nevertheless, like many other U. The prize is awarded for excellence in journalism in a range of categories. It has also, as of [update] , won three Peabody Awards and jointly received two.

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Retrieved May 6, Doubleday, Page. Archived from the original on July 20, April 9, Retrieved April 13, Retrieved April 17, May 26, September 29, The New Yorker. September 30, Sullivan , U. The F. Retrieved September 18, National Security Archive. Retrieved January 20, Guinness World Records. Retrieved February 4, July 19, Jones ". This study is an attempt to chronicle and analyse the attitudes of the New York press in connection with the events of the period from to relating to American neutrality.

The research involved not only editorial opinion but also news items, feature articles, letters to the editor, book reviews and special commentary. The files of the major New York newspapers of the period naturally constituted the basic sources. In addition to this, use was made of the memoirs, diaries and private papers of editors, publishers and other public figures; the Congressional Record, ; Congressional hearings and reports, , , and ; certain British and German materials; books, articles and other secondary sources.

The author also drew upon the recollections of New Yorkers active in journalism during the period. Colonel Roosevelt. Edmund Morris. Theodore Rex. Eisenhower in War and Peace. Jean Edward Smith. Scott Berg. Lewis E. Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Conrad Black. Bob Carruthers. Lincoln in the World. Kevin Peraino. Two Americans. William Lee Miller. Woodrow Wilson. John Milton Cooper. What Ifs? Of American History. Robert Cowley.

The Harlem Hellfighters. Bill Miles. Roy Jenkins. All the Great Prizes. John Taliaferro. That Man. Blood, Class and Empire. Christopher Hitchens. Gautam Mukunda. David Herbert Donald. Forge of Empires. Michael Knox Beran. Lincoln's Code. John Fabian Witt. The Wages of War.

A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17 A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17
A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17 A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17
A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17 A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17
A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17 A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17
A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17 A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17
A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17 A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17
A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17 A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17
A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17 A Thousand Deadlines: The New York City Press and American Neutrality, 1914–17

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