Moreover, th mBC cultural connections to the N.
“Ringing down the grooves of change:” Tennyson's mistaken railway analogy
Zagros as described by Gorelik e. Therefore, a Mesolithic baseline is in order. It shows the following:. The remaining two samples, I and I, in spite of their apparent similarity, yielded very different results depending on the target, so I decided to have them both included in the model. Apparently, there was quite some CHG influx during the Neolithic. While Narva pottery, e. However, note Jones e. So, before having a look at that sample, a brief sketch of the post-Elshan cultural sequence is in order.
As mentionned above, Lower Volga triangular decorations already make appearance in Middle Elshan. Vybornov e. What is important is that the dates on the organics from pottery correspond with the dates on the charred crusts from the pottery of the same type, taking into account the error of measurement and reservoir effect.. There is a good correlation between dates obtained on the organics from pottery and bones. Its pit-combed traditions set forth in the subsequent Volosovo culture. For a general overview on the spread of pit- combed traditions across NE Europe see Piezonka More or less simultaneously AMS dates from ca.
I must confess — I have problems in following Morgunova. If there is anything connecting with previous Neolithic, i. All in all, the Samara Region during the second half of the 6th mBC seems to have been quite multicultural. Haak e. Interesting for the question at hand here is the 2. That network was most likely based on the use of watercrafts — seaworthy boats are evidenced from Gobustan petroglyphs dated to the early 8th mBC. Elbrus obsidian on the Lower Volga.
The bulk of CHG ancestry must have arrived later, i. HI Frank, very interesting post. I agree with the ceramic influences discussion, a very astute reading of the current state of the art! The Mariupol horizon relates to perceptible Balkan influences, imports and burial postures from Haemangia, etc. Certainly, overall, I agree that c. But the mtDNA predominance of U5a points to overall continuities, and at best we might be seeing movement of individuals to account for links between major hubs on the lower Volga and, say, Kelteminar.
The rest was movement along river highways of very similar forager groups in eastern Europe, diffusing ceramic techniques. It is certainly feasible, esp. Also, as you mention, there is a slight basal-shift in Ukr Neol. The Likhi mountains on the watershed between the Black and Caspian Seas, while not particular high in comparison to the Greater and Lesser Caucasus ranges, have for a long time acted as substantial cultural barrier, during the LGM of course also as physical barrier.
Caspian coast in the East. From the former refugium, Colchian HGs, i. Satsublia and Kotias, emerged, while the S. The second assumption in my Part I is that not all of these S. Caspian CHG received such basal input, but remained unaffected in some places that they re-colonised after the LGM, e. Typically, cultural phenomena covered larger parts of the Kura-Araxes basin, i. Colchis never participated in these cultures, but formed its own, distinct complexes, e. Some characteristics of the latter, e. Post Kura-Araxes, i. The separation of the Svan language from Proto-Kartvelian is estimated to have occured around 2, BC, most likely in situ, i.
The Svanetian archeological record starts in earnest with copper and gold mining during the late 3rd mBC, which pretty well aligns with the linguistic dating. The only road into Upper Svaneti is from Mingrelia along the Enguri river, which means that Proto-Svan miners should have arrived from there, and implies proto-Kartvelian being spoken on the Colchian coast during the late 3rd mBC.
As to before — well, cultural separation may often go hand in hand with linguistic separation…. I understand, however archaeological and genetic data do not seem to support the idea of a Colchian refuge: there is at present a settlement hiatus and genetic shifts. Dzudzuana-like groups might have instead survived elsewhere — Anatolia and northern Zagros,? Rob: Re-read Part I! The Colchian settlement hiatus only concerns sites above m a.
The coast should have provided lots of opportunities for human survival — but for several reasons isostatics, no connection to the World ocean before ca. LGM settlement hiatus in the Central Anatolian Plain seems universally accepted, and the change from the pre- to the post-LGM population there is much more pronounced than in Colchis. Shanidar 2 has been dated to ca. So, better forget the Northern Zagros…. Caucasus E. So, we should be looking at the foothills of the Kopet Dagh, Pamir and Hindukush with still some chance for precipitation and river flow.
And, indeed the surrounds of the Pamir Tajikistan, Fergana basin seem to provide a quite good epi-paleolithic record. Comments from akb and Mehmet Kurtkaya have been removed here and instead reposted separately in: Minoan horses and other bullshit — Open thread. Frank I agree that there might be sites submerged under water, however, the UP sites were inland and hunting terrestrial sources, as are the later EP sites, so it would require a rather rapid transformation in economies twice over.
Whatever the case, it seems there was a migration into the Caucasus from somewhere south. Research on the Anatolian Paleolithic has been rather slow until recently, so the agreement lies in the need for more surveys. A very detailed and informative post, Frank. Thanks for the effort to dig and compile all this information to put it together in a coherent way. A post to bookmark to keep coming back to it as more samples become available to understand their context and possible implications.
I think it can be the most interesting of all. Right now we have a huge gap, not unlike the important gap we had from the Kuban area in later times until the Wang et al. I fully agree to your wish-list, but would extend it to all of W. Kazakhstan, W. Turkmenistan Chorasmia , and Uzbekistan. The largest grotto with petroglyphs is the most interesting; its wide entrance opens to the south, its surface is 20m2 and it is up to 0. Practically, the entire floor is occupied by petroglyphs. The drawings are deeply carved into the surfaces; some figures are additionally abraded. The specificity of the panel is the absence of human or animal images and the prevalence of linear-geometrics and cupholes.
According to its topography and repertoire, the Toleubulak Grotto has no analogies in Central Asia, but researchers find it comparable to the Kamennaya Mogila grottos in the Northern Near Azov Area. Its images are tentatively attributed to the first half of the Holocene, no later than the Neolithic. Frank, I had the Narasimhan et al. Those seem like the closest proxies temporally and spatially to that kind of scenario we have so far, no? Eneolithic steppe. The rest are just opinions and anyone can have their own.
In any case, what it seems to me from this preliminary look is that indeed the Colchian CHG samples that we have are not an excellent fit for the southern admixture in these samples and Yamnaya. So probably somewhere closer to the Caspian Sea on either side. What it looks to me is that, just like in recent history, there were many movements going in and out of the steppe from west, south and east. Will there be a very simplified summary at the end of this series? To me, it looks like the source of CHG in e. Also, could there be said to be at least two waves: one to Khvalynsk, and another to Yamnaya?
So perhaps tribes from the Steppe moved down through the Caucasus to the Northern Zagros to form the Zarzian culture, which would be the precursor to the pre-PIE Urheimat that Reich and Krause are going on about also explaining things like R1b-V in Kura-Araxes, very early 6th millennium BC swastikas in the Samarra culture etc. Then, through Leyla-Tepe, one branch moves North to form Yamnaya, and another branch becomes part of the Kura-Araxes expansion that would result in the Anatolian and hypothetical Gutian branches.
Alberto, have you read the published version of wang et al and caucasus? Although this scenario gains plausibility from our results, it remains possible that Indo-European languages were spread through southeastern Europe into Anatolia without large-scale population movement or admixture. For a guy that has been defending a route of shulaveri as originating in balkans WGH going via northern anatolia EEF into south caucasus CHG and later moving into steppe to be yamanya EHG this comments from reviewer sure os nice….
Lines and : The abstract for this paper highlights this finding as one of the principal discoveries of the project. The Yamnaya population of the Pontic-Caspian steppes, whose Bronze Age migrations east into Asia and west into Europe laid the foundation for modern populations, is here described as having previously undetected Early European Farmer and Western Hunter Gatherer ancestry. Neither component had been recognized in the same samples when previously published.
This is indeed a discovery, and I do not cannot debate the finding. I only want to note that this is both a discovery and a revision of results previously published in Nature by Haak et al Allentoft et al and Mathiesson et al. I think that the reader should be alerted more clearly to the potential for debate on this topic. I recognize that methods are moving quickly in this…. It seems a bit of an ad hoc solution to explain Anatolian languages. That, and the lack of gene flow from the South Caucasus to the steppe at that point in time the cultural influence is later — too late?
So that just leaves us with the possibility of an earlier entrance of CHG to the steppe introducing the first domesticates. But that should be the 6th mill. They would be better explained by the Balkans itself. Jacob, Dude is your mother. Yes, follow your advise…. If I kept running that path I would add next, after trypillia, Sredni Stog.
They moved back and forth see slide bc and bc in the northern black sea region. Maybe Shulaveri will turn out to be nothing. But nothing they were 3 years ago… and now from Krause to Haak and even Reich and Patterson are, in one way or the othe, playing the Shulaveri card.
I need to make noise! Rob is right in pointing that out. Alberto, I know. So, not much point. In this case, the Progress samples are years after the vanishing of the Shulaveri. The grooves of change : Eastern Europe at the turn of the millennium. Request this item to view in the Library's reading rooms using your library card.
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See what's been added to the collection in the current 1 2 3 4 5 6 weeks months years. Your reader barcode: Your last name:. Cite this Email this Add to favourites Print this page. Obviously, the idea of containers put on wheels was present in the Tripolye culture before the middle of the fourth millennium, and was associated with single or paired animals. As Maran b, points out, the extremely large settlements of this culture up to several hundred hectares and the steppe environment would reasonably explain the economic advantage of local wheeled transport.
A key role in the development and transfer of wagon technology can probably be assigned to the Majkop culture, located in the north-western foreland of the Caucasus.
This highly innovative culture Govedarica was indirectly influenced by the Mesopotamian Uruk culture, with which it is roughly contemporaneous Maran b, — The oldest wagon from a burial context comes from the middle phase Kostromskaya-Inozemcevo of the Majkop culture, dated c. Thus, the present evidence for early wheeled transport does not support the traditional belief in the oriental invention of wheel and wagon.
Full-size wheels and axles from central and eastern Europe clearly pre-date the earliest wheels from the Near East, and the indirect evidence models, depictions does not allow for a temporal gradient indicating diffusion ex oriente. Two alternative hypotheses remain. Innovation could have happened roughly simultaneously, but independently, in several regions the polycentric model. This could explain the contemporaneous existence of different technical variants two or four wheels, fixed or rotating axle.
Alternatively, there was only one innovation centre. Following Maran b , the late Tripolye culture around — BC in the steppe area north-west of the Pontic Sea is the most likely candidate for inventing wheeled transport, and the steppe cultures north of the Black Sea show well-documented relations to south-eastern Europe. Further eastward, future research is needed to clarify the contacts between the late Tripolye and Majkop cultures, but the latter may have played a crucial role in transferring the wagon techno-complex to Mesopotamia Maran b, The deposition of wooden wagons in graves continued with the Yamnaya Pit Grave culture c.
A considerable number of remarkably well preserved wagon burials in huge mounds kurgans have been excavated between Kuban, the lower Don, and the southern Ural mountains Gej ; Tureckij , dating between and BC Tureckij , Generally, these wagons have four wheels and marked hubs, with round holes indicating wheels turning on a fixed axle. The Yamnaya culture, known mainly from kurgan burials, covers a huge area of steppe between the southern Urals and the eastern Carpathians.
Consequently, several regional sub-groups have been defined Gej , — Wagon burials are more frequent in its south-eastern zone. For several decades, it has been considered a textbook example of a mobile archaeological culture due to the lack of settlements and an assumed focus on nomadic? Isolated burial mounds, attributable to the Yamnaya culture because of burial rite and grave goods, have been discovered along the lower Danube and even in eastern Hungary Ecsedy ; Gerling et al. Its characteristic material culture beakers with cord impressions or incised decoration, amphorae, battle axes and burial rite single graves, crouched skeletons in gender-specific positions and orientations are known from western Switzerland to the Netherlands and southern Scandinavia usually under the name Single Grave culture , and from the Rhine to Ukraine and Belarus regionally the Fatjanovo culture.
Since the beginning of the 20th century, the widespread and apparently sudden appearance of Corded Ware was associated with the spread of the Indo-Europeans Gimbutas ; Glob postulated a unitary European initial phase of Corded Ware, based on axe types and their stratigraphic position in Danish burial mounds of the Single Grave culture.
Researchers in central Germany, indisputably a Corded Ware centre given site density and typological variety, argued for an origin in the Elbe-Saale region and rejected the A-horizon hypothesis Fischer Until the s the debate was based mainly on typological arguments.
The culture concept and suggested model of spread obviously are mutually interdependent. Based on the evaluation of almost radiocarbon dates, Suter postulated the end of the A-horizon, arguing that the elements of this assumed early phase span several centuries. Suter thus considers Corded Ware, together with the somewhat later Bell Beakers, as reflecting the spread of an ideology and ritual drinking customs. Based on an even larger collection of radiocarbon dates, Furholt presents different results.
By classifying the dating evidence according to sample quality, he is able to demonstrate a temporal gradient for the oldest Corded Ware dates, running from central Poland to the north-west and south-west. The forms constituting the A- horizon are not the oldest ones in Poland , but they appear in the first stage of diffusion, even if some of them persist regionally until the younger Corded Ware Furholt Owing to the chronological difference between the separate spreads of burial rites and material culture, Furholt prefers two-step diffusion to migration Furholt , Comparing the evidence from lakeside settlements in northern and western Switzerland, Hafner illustrates remarkably different processes.
Suter takes up this evidence in challenging the traditional view of an immigration of Corded Ware culture in Switzerland. Recent research has considerably changed our view of the final Neolithic. For Corded Ware, an east—west gradient indicates the direction of spread. This might suggest the diffusion of ideas and their material expression, but migration should not be excluded, at least at a regional scale.
A new ideology of individualized burial with battle axes as male status symbols and ritually polarized gender roles may have been important. The symmetrically opposed position and orientation of male and female individuals might even reflect complementary, gender-specific concepts of the lived world.
This emphasis on gender distinction within the burial ritual, possibly indicating complementary and opposed gender spheres among the living, persisted during the early Bronze Age in central Europe. References Ammermann, A. A population model for the diffusion of early farming in Europe. Renfrew ed. London: Duckworth. Bakels, C. Der Mohn, die Linearbandkeramik und das westliche Mittelmeergebiet.
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Varia Archaeologica Hungarica Budapest: Archaeolingua. Becker, H. Behre, K. Evidence for Mesolithic agriculture in and around central Europe? Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 16, — Bertemes, F. Bertemes and H.
Meller ed. Stuttgart: Theiss. Bogaard, A. Neolithic farming in central Europe. An archaeological study of crop husbandry practices. London, New York: Routledge. Bogucki, P. How agriculture came to north-central Europe. Price ed. Cambridge: University Press. Bollongino, R. Die Herkunft der Hausrinder in Europa. Bonn: Habelt. Bramanti, B. Chapman, J.
From Franchthi to the Tiszazug: two Early Neolithic worlds. Jerem and P. Raczky eds , Morgenrot der Kulturen. Geburtstag, 89— Childe, V. The Danube in prehistory. Oxford: Clarendon Press. The first waggons and carts—from the Tigris to the Severn. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 17, — Cladders, M. Czebreszuk, J. Die absolute Chronologie in Mitteleuropa. Rahden: Marie Leidorf. Ecsedy, I. The people of the pit-grave Kurgans in eastern Hungary. Erny-Rodmann, C. Fischer, U. Berlin: de Gruyter.
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Frirdich, C. Struktur und Dynamik der bandkeramischen Landnahme. Frirdich, and A. Zimmermann eds , Die Bandkeramik im Jahrhundert, 81— Furholt, M.
Pdf The Grooves Of Change Eastern Europe At The Turn Of The Millennium 2001
Entstehungsprozesse der Schnurkeramik und das Konzept eines Einheitshorizontes. Gamble, C. Beyond domestication in prehistoric Europe. Investigations in subsistence archaeology and social complexity. Gehlen, B. Gej, A. Die Wagen der Novotitarovskaja-Kultur. Fansa and S. Burmeister eds , Rad und Wagen. Der Ursprung einer Innovation. Wagen im Vorderen Orient und Europa, — Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. Gerling, C. Identifying kurgan graves in Eastern Hungary: a burial mound in the light of strontium and oxygen isotope analysis.
Kaiser, J. Burger and W. Schier eds , Population dynamics in prehistory and early history. New approaches using stable isotopes and genetics. Topoi — Berlin Studies of the Ancient World 5, — Berlin: De Gruyter. Gimbutas, M. The prehistory of eastern Europe. Selected articles from to Washington: Institute for the Study of Man. Glob, P. Studier over den jyske Enkeltgravskultur. Govedarica, B. Aslan, S. Blum, G. Kastl, F. Schweizer, and D.
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