It is argued that even though immigrants from Mexico are at times accused of potential disloyalty, they can be considered quite loyal, depending on the selected indicators of loyalty used. This paradox is explained by the expansive use of the notion of political loyalty by modern-day U. The conclusion argues for a more inclusive concept of political loyalty, which would be better suited for the present-day era of large-scale trans-border movements. Case Study: Review of loyalty concerns related to immigrants from Mexico. From this perspective, immigration has always presented a challenge for the receiving country, as it tries to instill political loyalty in new migrants.
State authorities have questioned the loyalty of fresh immigrants, especially in times of international crises when ties to their country of origin have become suspicious. As long as migration flows continue, the inherent tension between political loyalties to both the sending as well as the receiving country will ensure that the issue of immigrant loyalty will remain highly controversial and relevant in the debates about appropriate immigration policies. I will review the current literature on the issue and focus on the case study of Mexicans migrating to the United States, where immigration critics frequently resort to claims of real or potential disloyalty.
This serves as a powerful argument in the discourse about immigration, as it symbolically emphasizes the otherness of immigrants as well as raises the specter of potential mass disobedience and disorder.
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I will present possible ways of how to assess immigrant loyalty based on various sources of field-work data, and apply them to the case of Mexican immigrants. I will then argue that current controversies about immigrant loyalty are based on an outdated understanding of political loyalty that does not capture the complex political as well as cultural ties that are relevant for immigrants from Mexico today. I will briefly mention episodes in U. The following section will contain a review and assessment of current charges of disloyalty aimed at migrants from Mexico.
I will then present various available indicators relevant to political loyalty and apply them to immigrants from Mexico. The conclusion will discuss the findings and present a more accurate framework for discussions about political loyalty today. Both the perceived and actual loyalty of immigrants will play an important role in debates concerning appropriate immigration policies. A more refined view of the concept of loyalty has the potential to mitigate some of the tensions between pro-immigrant advocates and their vocal opponents in academic and wider political discussions of immigration policies.
For Kleinig loyalty can be characterized as an associational attachment of a person to an object, be it a political leader, spouse, or a philosophical concept. Once formed, the attachment has the potential to distort perceptions and attitudes of a person in favor of the object of loyalty, effectively committing them to defending the interests of the object even if it involves costs or sacrifices.
Various loyalties can come into conflict, which forces the person to make difficult choices, especially when some loyalties are irreconcilable. Usually, loyalty can be considered to include also an emotional component, which strengthens the primary bond. The modern bureaucratic state actively encouraged political loyalty through education or public ceremonies, as loyalty to the state made implementation of laws and directives easier and helped to prevent major disobedience.
More relevant for the following discussion on immigration and loyalty, the modern state at the same time became suspicious of persons whose political loyalty was not so clear, be it for ethnic, religious, or political reasons. This mistrust often developed into forms of discrimination, as those deemed potentially disloyal could not be really trusted by the state and thus became de-facto second-class citizens. Even if people acted with all due deference and obedience towards state laws and authorities, they could still be accused of disloyalty.
Doubts about their emotional commitment could not be easily dispelled, as potential traitors were believed to hide carefully their true loyalty beneath the formally obedient facade. The state was able to make men willingly perform acts that most of them would otherwise not consider or actually even oppose by exploiting the notion of loyalty. The draft is illustrative also of the different components of political loyalty - some understand it as primarily complying with binding formal norms I have to go to the army because it is the law , while others emphasize the emotional component I want to go to the army to serve the object of loyalty.
In cases of disloyalty, desertion can become a major problem, unless mechanisms for enforcing formal obedience are sufficiently strengthened. States are in general sensitive to any signs of disloyalty, as it implies a waning of state control and an increased need to rely on a more vigorous enforcement of formal rules. Immigrants, whose political loyalty often undergoes a transition from their homeland to the host country, are in this respect vulnerable to criticism by groups of native residents, who see their attachment as lacking. The disobedient revolutionaries broke their ties and bonds with the King and defeated the Loyalists, who were not willing to do so.
Since then, the new country has promoted political loyalty among its inhabitants to replace any allegiances to other, potentially hostile political entities. Political loyalty developed over time, especially in cases when the immigrants had made the decision to stay in the United States. For those who came to the U. During the Civil War, able-bodied immigrants were sent to the front as Union soldiers straight from embarking in the U. They gave rise to the Nativist movement, which in a broader sense continues to this day, again with varying degrees of political salience. Nativists wanted to limit immigration to the U.
Presumed loyalty to the Pope, which might be stronger than loyalty to the United States, became one of the issues that led Nativist advocates to formulate ludicrous conspiracy theories. Kennedy still had to address this issue deep into the twentieth century. The clustered nature of settlement, different cultural norms and incomprehensible language of the Chinese engendered fears of potential disloyalty or outright treachery behind appearances of being law-abiding. Anarchists from Southeastern Europe demonstrated a disregard for U.
The controversial execution of immigrant anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti after a prejudiced trial in became a symbol of forceful preemptive action by the establishment against potentially disloyal immigrants. Loyalty concerns played an important role in the arguments in favor of the restrictive legislation. Devised in , its use spread rapidly and was made mandatory in public schools by Congress in Frequent public reciting was, as with a mantra, meant to influence the emotional side as well.
The Espionage Act and Sedition Act curtailed freedom of speech and, for example, prevented both Socialist and German-American publications from being mailed to subscribers. Disloyalty became an offense punishable by 20 years in prison. Both immigrants born in Japan the Issei and children of immigrants from Japan the Nisei were affected by an executive order sending them to detention camps. The policy was even upheld by the U. Supreme Court in the notorious case of Korematsu v. The exemplary record of the nd regiment fighting in Europe, which was composed mainly of Japanese-Americans , was partly a response to this overreaction on the part of the U.
Apart from fear of covert spying by agents, political loyalty did not become an issue, especially if the immigrants followed the strict anti-communist line in vogue at the time. Firstly, periods of increased immigration of people from different cultural and political backgrounds caused Nativists to perceive the newcomers as a threat to the prevalent institutional and political order. Secondly, immigrant groups from countries hostile to the U. Despite these two fears, various immigration waves proved to be quite obedient with respect to the political system and, in time, even loyal to the new country.
In fact, the ability of the political system to incorporate newcomers became one of the attractions of the U. In this article I review the available literature and data and focus primarily on the perceived lack of loyalty of Mexican immigrants and their children, which is one of the arguments put forward by critics. The group is quite diverse and includes politicians, academics as well as NGOs. To this day, he is an influential commentator in conservative media. Southwest might become another Kosovo because of the presence of Mexican-Americans Chapter 8 of the book has the title "The Aztlan Plot".
Other prominent Nativist politicians include Representative James Sensenbrenner R-Wisconsin , author of a highly restrictive anti-immigration proposal. You're allowed no demonstrations, you cannot wave a foreign flag, no political organizing, no bad-mouthing our President or his policies, or you get sent home. You're a foreigner. You shut your mouth or you get out, and if you come here illegally, you go straight to jail and we're going to hunt you down 'til we find you. Still, the emphasis on political control and obedience betrays the hidden fears of potential disloyalty.
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On the Internet, an active and popular radical Nativist website is vdare. The persistent inflow of Hispanic immigrants threatens to divide the United States into two peoples, two cultures, and two languages. Unlike past immigrant groups, Mexicans and other Latinos have not assimilated into mainstream U.
The United States ignores this challenge at its peril. In his book Who Are We? Southwest as a potential threat, effectively questioning the loyalty of Mexican-Americans. First of all, most of the Mexican-Americans are concentrated in the region which once belonged to Mexico and which the U. Therefore, the increased migration is sometimes referred to as a sort of reconquista , alluding to the process in which Spaniards drove away the Moors from the Iberian Peninsula.
This antagonizing parallel also implies less respect by immigrants for restrictive U. Their fears relate to the possible annexation of the U. MEChA has been accused of promoting separatism which effectively means disloyalty and racism on numerous occasions. When Mexican and U. After one soccer match in Los Angeles, the support for the Mexican team from the audience was so overwhelming that it led to complaints from the U. The underlying concern was that the disloyalty the spectators demonstrated in the stadium was indicative of their more serious political disloyalty as well.
The widespread presence of Mexican flags at the demonstrations suggested a breach of political loyalty, especially in the U. Before this reform, emigrants from Mexico who acquired U. The threat of a loss of Mexican citizenship was also the reason why many Mexican-Americans kept their Mexican permanent residency status and did not apply for U. The policy reversal in Mexico was intended to promote ties of Mexican-Americans to Mexico; several million people are estimated to have acquired dual citizenship since then.
In the event of a conflict between obligations owed to two states, it is not clear what the person with dual citizenship would do. On the symbolic level, however, dual citizenship is a sign that the attachment to either country is potentially compromised by other ties. One person can thus develop political affiliations with two different parties and cast votes twice as often. Thus, U. The ultimate test of dual citizenship is of course if both countries should go to war, claiming the allegiance of the dual citizen from both sides.
However, as military conflict between the U. Present-day Nativists often cite an increased propensity towards crime as the consequence of a decreased feeling of political loyalty. According to this logic, the fact that even legal immigrants do not feel sufficient loyalty to the U. Seen from the Nativist perspective, such people are already outlaws who are breaking the law by their very existence — they can hardly feel any attachment to a political system that criminalizes them. Attempts are thus made by Nativist politicians to connect the questionable loyalty of immigrants to the sense of danger the disloyal immigrants are supposed to represent.
Approximately From this number, Only 9. These figures, provided by the U. Census Bureau, include also those illegal immigrants from Mexico who were counted by the authorities. In fact, ancestors of some Mexican-Americans were living on the land even before the U.
As a result of this diversity within the group, there are varying degrees of assimilation and acculturation, which translates also into different political attitudes. Without making this critical distinction, analysts and commentators make the common mistake of focusing on recent immigrants and then extend their observations to Hispanics as a whole. Border states with Mexico as well as big cities like Chicago and New York have attracted a disproportionate amount of immigrants from Mexico.
The population of Los Angeles consists of In recent years, Mexican immigrants started to disperse into other areas of the United States as well, but this did not change the regional aspect of their presence in the U. Even within cities, most immigrants from Mexico are usually clustered in specific neighborhoods barrios.
Mexican migrant workers have been a continuous presence in the U. Southwest since the last half of the 19th century. Many of these workers were seasonal and returned to Mexico after the work harvest was done. Some stayed, gradually increasing the Mexican-American population in the country.
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During the Great Depression, the U. After the job market became tighter in the aftermath of the Korean War, another round of mass deportations called Operation Wetback occurred in This heavy-handed effort did not stem the tide either. From them Jefferson learned a keen appreciation of supportive mentors, a concept he later institutionalized at the University of Virginia. He read law with Wythe from to , then left Williamsburg to practice, mostly representing small-scale planters from the western counties in cases involving land claims and titles.
Although he handled no landmark cases and came across as a nervous and somewhat indifferent speaker before the bench, he earned a reputation as a formidable legal scholar. He was a shy and extremely serious young man. In he made two important decisions: first, to build his own home atop an foot- metre- high mountain near Shadwell that he eventually named Monticello and, second, to stand as a candidate for the House of Burgesses. These decisions nicely embodied the two competing impulses that would persist throughout his life—namely, to combine an active career in politics with periodic seclusion in his own private haven.
His political timing was also impeccable , for he entered the Virginia legislature just as opposition to the taxation policies of the British Parliament was congealing. In the early s his own character was also congealing. In he married Martha Wayles Skelton Martha Jefferson , an attractive and delicate young widow whose dowry more than doubled his holdings in land and slaves.
His reputation thus enhanced , the Virginia legislature appointed him a delegate to the Second Continental Congress in the spring of He rode into Philadelphia—and into American history—on June 20, , a tall slightly above 6 feet 2 inches [1. In retrospect, the central paradox of his life was also on display, for the man who the following year was to craft the most famous manifesto for human equality in world history arrived in an ornate carriage drawn by four handsome horses and accompanied by three slaves.
John Adams , a leader in those debates, remembered that Jefferson was silent even in committee meetings, though consistently staunch in his support for independence. His chief role was as a draftsman of resolutions.
Loyalty - Wikipedia
In that capacity, on June 11, , he was appointed to a five-person committee, which also included Adams and Benjamin Franklin , to draft a formal statement of the reasons why a break with Great Britain was justified. Adams asked him to prepare the first draft, which he did within a few days. This accurately describes the longest section of the Declaration of Independence , which lists the grievances against George III.
It does not, however, describe the following 55 words, which are generally regarded as the seminal statement of American political culture:. We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
But they made no changes whatsoever in this passage, which over succeeding generations became the lyrical sanction for every liberal movement in American history. At the time, Jefferson himself was disconsolate that the Congress had seen fit to make any changes in his language. Nevertheless, he was not regarded by his contemporaries as the author of the Declaration, which was seen as a collective effort by the entire Congress.
Indeed, he was not known by most Americans as the principal author until the s. Three areas of reform suggest the arc of his political vision: first, he sought and secured abolition of primogeniture, entail, and all those remnants of feudalism that discouraged a broad distribution of property; second, he proposed a comprehensive plan of educational reform designed to assure access at the lowest level for all citizens and state support at the higher levels for the most talented; third, he advocated a law prohibiting any religious establishment and requiring complete separation of church and state.
The last two proposals were bitterly contested, especially the statute for religious freedom, which was not enacted until The American Revolution , as he saw it, was the first shot in what would eventually became a global battle for human liberation from despotic institutions and all coercive versions of government. At the end of what was probably the most creative phase of his public career, personal misfortune struck in two successive episodes. Elected governor of Virginia in , he was caught off-guard by a surprise British invasion in against which the state was defenseless.
His flight from approaching British troops was described in the local press, somewhat unfairly, as a cowardly act of abdication. Critics would recall this awkward moment throughout the remainder of his long career. Then, in September , his wife died after a difficult delivery in May of their third daughter. These two disasters caused him to vow that he would never again desert his family for his country. The vow was sincere but short-lived. Jefferson agreed, albeit reluctantly, to serve as a delegate to the Continental Congress in December , where his major contribution was to set forth the principle that territories in the West should not be treated as colonies but rather should enter the Union with status equal to the original states once certain conditions were met.
Then, in , recognizing the need to escape the memories of Martha that haunted the hallways at Monticello, he agreed to replace Franklin as American minister to France; or, as legend tells the story, he agreed to succeed Franklin, noting that no one could replace him. During his five-year sojourn in Paris, Jefferson accomplished very little in any official sense. But the Paris years were important to Jefferson for personal reasons and are important to biographers and historians for the new light they shed on his famously elusive personality.
The dominant pattern would seem to be the capacity to live comfortably with contradiction. For example, he immersed himself wholeheartedly in the art, architecture , wine, and food of Parisian society but warned all prospective American tourists to remain in America so as to avoid the avarice , luxury, and sheer sinfulness of European fleshpots. He made a point of bringing along his elder daughter, Martha called Patsy as a girl , and later sent for his younger daughter, Maria called Polly , all as part of his genuine devotion as a single parent.
But he then placed both daughters in a convent, wrote them stern lecturelike letters about proper female etiquette, and enforced a patriarchal distance that was in practice completely at odds with his theoretical commitment to intimacy. With women in general his letters convey a message of conspicuous gallantry, playfully flirtatious in the manner of a male coquette. Meanwhile, there is considerable evidence to suggest, but not to prove conclusively, that Jefferson initiated a sexual liaison with his attractive young mulatto slave Sally Hemings in , about the time his torrid affair with Cosway cooled down—this despite his public statements denouncing blacks as biologically inferior and sexual relations between the races as taboo.
Jefferson initially regarded the assembly as a French version of the Constitutional Convention , then meeting in Philadelphia. Much influenced by moderate leaders such as the Marquis de Lafayette , he expected the French Revolution to remain a bloodless affair that would culminate in a revised French government, probably a constitutional monarchy along English lines. He remained oblivious to the resentments and volatile energies pent up within French society that were about to explode in the Reign of Terror , mostly because he thought the French Revolution would follow the American model.
He was fortunate to depart France late in , just at the onset of mob violence. Even before his departure from France, Jefferson had overseen the publication of Notes on the State of Virginia. This book, the only one Jefferson ever published, was part travel guide, part scientific treatise , and part philosophical meditation. Jefferson had written it in the fall of and had agreed to a French edition only after learning that an unauthorized version was already in press. What remained unclear was the character of the relationship—consensual or coercive, a matter of love or rape, or a mutually satisfactory arrangement.
His critics, on the other hand, considered Jefferson a sexual predator whose eloquent statements about human freedom and equality were hypocritical. Early in his career Jefferson had taken a leadership role in pushing slavery onto the political agenda in the Virginia assembly and the federal Congress. In his original draft of the Declaration of Independence, he included a passage, subsequently deleted by the Continental Congress, blaming both the slave trade and slavery itself on George III.
Unlike most of his fellow Virginians, Jefferson was prepared to acknowledge that slavery was an anomaly in the American republic established in His two most practical proposals came in the early s: a gradual emancipation scheme by which all slaves born after would be freed and their owners compensated, and a prohibition of slavery in all the territories of the West as a condition for admission to the Union.
Dating the onset of a long silence is inevitably an imprecise business, but by the time of his return to the United States in Jefferson had backed away from a leadership position on slavery. Moreover, the very logic of his argument in Notes exposed the inherent intractability of his position. Although he believed that slavery was a gross violation of the principles celebrated in the Declaration of Independence, he also believed that people of African descent were biologically inferior to whites and could never live alongside whites in peace and harmony.
They would have to be transported elsewhere, back to Africa or perhaps the Caribbean, after emancipation. Because such a massive deportation was a logistical and economic impossibility, the unavoidable conclusion was that, though slavery was wrong, ending it, at least at present, was inconceivable. It also shaped his personal posture as a slave owner.
Jefferson owned, on average, about slaves at any point in time, and slightly over over his lifetime. In the meantime, his own lavish lifestyle and all the incessant and expensive renovations of his Monticello mansion were wholly dependent on slave labour. Whatever silent thoughts he might have harboured about freeing his slaves never found their way into the record.
He freed only five slaves, all members of the Hemings family. His mounting indebtedness rendered all such thoughts superfluous toward the end, because his slaves, like all his possessions, were mortgaged to his creditors and therefore not really his to free. Jefferson returned to the United States in to serve as the first secretary of state under President George Washington. He was entering the most uncharted waters in American history. There had never been an enduring republican government in a nation as large as the United States, and no one was sure if it was possible or how it would work.
The Constitution ratified in was still a work-in-progress, less a blueprint that provided answers than a framework for arguing about the salient questions. And because Jefferson had been serving in France when the constitutional battles of —88 were waged in Philadelphia and then in the state ratifying conventions, he entered the volatile debates of the s without a clear track record of his constitutional convictions.
In truth, unlike his friend and disciple James Madison , Jefferson did not think primarily in constitutional categories. His major concern about the new Constitution was the absence of any bill of rights. He was less interested in defining the powers of government than in identifying those regions where government could not intrude. During his tenure as secretary of state —93 , foreign policy was his chief responsibility. Within the cabinet a three-pronged division soon emerged over American policy toward the European powers.
While all parties embraced some version of the neutrality doctrine, the specific choices posed by the ongoing competition for supremacy in Europe between England and France produced a bitter conflict. Washington and Adams, who was serving as vice president, insisted on complete neutrality, which in practice meant tacking back and forth between the two dominant world powers of the moment. Alexander Hamilton pushed for a pro-English version of neutrality—chiefly commercial ties with the most potent mercantile power in the world.
Even when the French Revolution spun out of control and began to devour its own partisans, Jefferson insisted that these bloody convulsions were only temporary excesses justified by the larger ideological issues at stake. This remained his unwavering position throughout the decade. Even after he retired from office late in , he issued directives from Monticello opposing the Neutrality Act and the Jay Treaty as pacts with the British harlot and betrayals of our French brethren.
His foreign-policy vision was resolutely moralistic and highly ideological, dominated by a dichotomous view of England as a corrupt and degenerate engine of despotism and France as the enlightened wave of the future. As Hamilton began to construct his extensive financial program—to include funding the national debt, assuming the state debts, and creating a national bank—Jefferson came to regard the consolidation of power at the federal level as a diabolical plot to subvert the true meaning of the American Revolution.
As Jefferson saw it, the entire Federalist commitment to an energetic central government with broad powers over the domestic economy replicated the arbitrary policies of Parliament and George III, which the American Revolution had supposedly repudiated as monarchical and aristocratic practices, incompatible with the principles of republicanism.
All the major events of the decade—the creation of a national bank, the debate over the location of a national capital, the suppression of the Whiskey Rebellion in western Pennsylvania, the passage of the Jay Treaty , and, most notoriously, the enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Acts —were viewed through this ideological lens.
By the middle years of the decade two distinctive political camps had emerged, calling themselves Federalists and Republicans later Democratic-Republicans. Not that modern-day political parties, with their mechanisms for raising money, selecting candidates, and waging election campaigns, were fully formed at this stage. But an embryonic version of the party structure was congealing, and Jefferson, assisted and advised by Madison , established the rudiments of the first opposition party in American politics under the Republican banner. They were, in effect, inventing a modern form of political behaviour before there was any neutral vocabulary for talking about it.
In he ran for the presidency against Adams, all the while claiming not to know that he was even a candidate. The highly combustible political culture of the early republic reached a crescendo in the election of , one of the most fiercely contested campaigns in American history.
The Federalist press described Jefferson as a pagan and atheist, a treasonable conspirator against the duly elected administrations of Washington and Adams, a utopian dreamer with anarchistic tendencies toward the role of government, and a cunning behind-the-scenes manipulator of Republican propaganda. All these charges were gross exaggerations, save the last. Always operating through intermediaries, Jefferson paid several journalists to libel Adams, his old friend but current political enemy, and offered the vice presidency to Aaron Burr in return for delivering the electoral votes of New York.
In the final tally the 12 New York votes made the difference, with the tandem of Jefferson and Burr winning 73 to A quirk in the Constitution, subsequently corrected in the Twelfth Amendment , prevented electors from distinguishing between their choice of president and vice president, so Jefferson and Burr tied for the top spot, even though voter preference for Jefferson was incontestable. The decision was thrown into the House of Representatives where, after several weeks of debate and backroom wheeling and dealing, Jefferson was elected on the 36th ballot.
There was a good deal of nervous speculation whether the new American nation could survive a Jefferson presidency. This became the position of the Confederacy in His Federalist critics wondered how he could take an oath to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States if his primary goal as president was to dismantle the federal institutions created by that very document. As he rose to deliver his inaugural address on March 4, , in the still-unfinished Capitol of the equally unfinished national capital on the Potomac , the mood was apprehensive.
The most rabid alarmists had already been proved wrong, since the first transfer of power from one political regime to another had occurred peacefully, even routinely. These reforms enjoyed considerable success for two reasons. First, the temporary cessation of the war between England and France for European supremacy permitted American merchants to trade with both sides and produced unprecedented national prosperity. Second, in selecting Albert Gallatin as secretary of the Treasury, Jefferson placed one of the most capable managers of fiscal policy in the most strategic location.
Gallatin, a Swiss-born prodigy with impeccable Republican credentials, dominated the cabinet discussions alongside Madison, the ever-loyal Jefferson disciple who served as secretary of state. Actually there were very few cabinet discussions because Jefferson preferred to do the bulk of business within the executive branch in writing.
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Crafting language on the page was his most obvious talent, and he required all cabinet officers to submit drafts of their recommendations, which he then edited and returned for their comments. The same textual approach applied to his dealings with Congress. All of his annual messages were delivered in writing rather than in person.
Indeed, apart from his two inaugural addresses, there is no record of Jefferson delivering any public speeches whatsoever. In part this was a function of his notoriously inadequate abilities as an orator, but it also reflected his desire to make the office of the presidency almost invisible. His one gesture at visibility was to schedule weekly dinners when Congress was in session, which became famous for the quality of the wine, the pell-mell seating arrangements, and informal approach to etiquette—a clear defiance of European-style decorum. The major achievement of his first term was also an act of defiance, though this time it involved defying his own principles.
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